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背诵80篇打印版(含翻译)

1已有 27082 次阅读  2009-03-04 18:52   标签打印  背诵  翻译 

>01 The Language of Music
A painter hangs his or her finished picture on a wall, and everyone can see
it. A composer writes a work, but no one can hear it until it is performed.
Professional singers and players have great responsibilities, for the 
composer is utterly dependent on them. A student of music needs as long and
as arduous a training to become a performer as a medical student needs to
become a doctor. Most  training is  concerned with  technique, for 
musicians have to have the muscular proficiency of an athlete or a ballet
dancer. Singers practice breathing every day, as their vocal chords would
be inadequate without controlled muscular support. String players practice
moving the fingers of the left hand up and down, while drawing the bow to
and fro with the right arm -- two entirely different movements.
Singers and instrumentalists have to be able to get every note perfectly in
tune. Pianists are spared this particular anxiety, for the notes are
already there, waiting for them, and it is the piano tuner's responsibility 
to tune the instrument for them. But they have their own difficulties: the
hammers  that  hit  the  strings  have  to  be    coaxed  not  to  sound 
like  percussion,  and  each overlapping tone has to sound clear.
This problem of getting clear texture is one that confronts student
conductors: they have to learn to know every note of the music  and how it
should sound,  and they  have to aim at controlling these sounds with
fanatical but selfless authority.
Technique is of no  use  unless it is  combined with musical knowledge 
and understanding. Great artists are those who are so thoroughly at home in
the language of music that they can enjoy performing works written in any
century.
01  音乐的语言
画家将已完成的作品挂在墙上,每个人都可以观赏到。  作曲家写完了一部作品,得由
演奏者将其演奏出来,其他人才能得以欣赏。因为作曲家是如此完全地依赖于职业歌手和职 业演奏者,所以职业歌手和职业演奏者肩上的担子可谓不轻。 
一名学音乐的学生要想成为 一名演奏者,需要经受长期的、严格的训练,就象一名医科的学生要成为一名医生一样。 绝 大多数的训练是技巧性的。 
音乐家们控制肌肉的熟练程度,必须达到与运动员或巴蕾舞演 员相当的水平。  歌手们每天都练习吊嗓子,因为如果不能有效地控制肌肉的话,他们的声
带将不能满足演唱的要求。  弦乐器的演奏者练习的则是在左手的手指上下滑动的同时,用
右手前后拉动琴弓--两个截然不同的动作。歌手和乐器演奏者必须使所有的音符完全相同协 调。 钢琴家们则不用操这份心,因为每个音符都已在那里等待着他们了。
给钢琴调音是调 音师的职责。 但调音师们也有他们的难处: 他们必须耐心地调理敲击琴弦的音锤,不能让
音锤发出的声音象是打击乐器,而且每个交叠的音都必须要清晰。如何得到乐章清晰的纹理
是学生指挥们所面临的难题:他们必须学会了解音乐中的每一个音及其发音之道。  他们还
必须致力于以热忱而又客观的权威去控制这些音符。除非是和音乐方面的知识和悟性结合起 来,单纯的技巧没有任何用处。 
艺术家之所以伟大在于他们对音乐语言驾轻就熟,以致于 可以满怀喜悦地演出写于任何时代的作品。
>02 Schooling and Education
It is commonly believed in the United States  that school  is where people
go to get an education.  Nevertheless,  it has been  said  that today
children interrupt their  education to go to school. The distinction
between schooling and education implied by this remark is important.
Education is much more open-ended and all-inclusive than schooling.
Education knows no bounds. It can take place anywhere, whether in the
shower or in the job, whether in a kitchen or on a tractor. It includes
both  the formal learning that takes place in schools and the whole
universe of informal learning. The agents of education can range from a
revered grandparent to the
people debating politics on the radio, from a child to a distinguished
scientist.
Whereas schooling has a certain predictability, education quite often
produces surprises. A chance conversation with a stranger may lead a person
to discover how little is known of other religions. People are engaged in 
education from infancy on. Education,  then,  is a very broad, inclusive
term. It is a lifelong process, a process that starts long before the start
of school, and one that should be an integral part of one's entire life.
Schooling, on the other hand, is a specific, formalized process, whose
general pattern varies little   from   one setting  to  the  next. 
Throughout  a  country,  children arrive at  school  at approximately
the same time, take assigned seats, are taught by an adult, use similar
textbooks, do homework, take exams, and so on. The slices of reality that
are to be learned, whether they are the alphabet or an understanding of the
workings of government, have usually been limited by the boundaries of the
subject being taught. For example, high school students know that they are
not likely to find out in their classes the truth about political problems
in their communities or what the newest filmmakers are experimenting with.
There are definite conditions surrounding the formalized process of 
schooling.
上学与受教育
在美国,人们通常认为上学是为了受教育。  而现在却有人认为孩子们上学打断了他们 受教育的过程。 这种观念中的上学与受教育之间的区别非常重要。
与上学相比,教育更具 开放性,内容更广泛。  教育不受任何限制。  它可以在任何场合下进行,在淋浴时,在工作 时,在厨房里或拖拉机上。 
它既包括在学校所受的正规教育,也包括一切非正规教育。  传 授知识的人可以是德高望重的老者,可以是收音机里进行政治辩论的人们,可以是小孩子,
也可以是知名的科学家。 上学读书多少有点可预见性,而教育往往能带来意外的发现。 与 陌生人的一次随意谈话可能会使人认识到自己对其它宗教其实所知甚少。 
人们从幼时起就 开始受教育。  因此,教育是一个内涵很丰富的词,它自始至终伴随人的一生,早在人们上 学之前就开始了。 
教育应成为人生命中不可缺少的一部分。然而,上学却是一个特定的形 式化了的过程。  在不同场合下,它的基本形式大同小异。  在全国各地,孩子们几乎在同一
时刻到达学校,坐在指定的座位上,由一位成年人传授知识,使用大致相同的教材,做作业, 考试等等。 
他们所学的现实生活中的一些片断,如字母表或政府的运作,往往受到科目范 围的限制。 
例如,高中生们知道,在课堂上他们没法弄清楚他们社区里政治问题的真情, 也不会了解到最新潮的电影制片人在做哪些尝试。 
学校教育这一形式化的过程是有特定的 限制的。
>03 The Definition of "Price"
Prices determine how resources are to be used. They are also the means by
which products and services  that are in limited supply are rationed among
buyers. The price system of the United States is a complex network composed
of the prices of all the products bought and sold in  the  economy  as 
well  as  those  of  a  myriad  of  services,  including    labor, 
professional, transportation, and public-utility services. The
interrelationships of all these prices make up the
"system" of prices. The price of any particular product or service is
linked to a broad, complicated system of prices in which everything seems
to depend more or less upon everything else. If one were to ask a group 
of randomly selected  individuals  to define "price", many would reply that
price is an amount of money paid by the buyer to the seller of a product or
service or, in other words,  that  price  is  the money  value  of  a 
product  or  service  as  agreed  upon  in  a  market transaction. This
definition is, of course, valid as far as it goes. For a complete
understanding of a price in any  particular transaction, much  more than
the amount of  money involved must be known. Both the buyer and the seller
should be familiar with not only the money amount, but with the amount and
quality of the product or service to be exchanged, the time and place at
which the exchange will take place and payment will be made, the form of
money to be used, the credit terms and discounts that apply to the
transaction, guarantees on the product or service, delivery terms, return
privileges, and other factors. In other words, both buyer and seller should
be fully aware of  all the factors  that comprise the total "package" being
exchanged for  the asked-for amount of money in order that they may
evaluate a given price.
"价格"的定义  价格决定资源的使用方式。 价格也是有限的产品与服务在买方中的配给 手段。 
美国的价格系统是复杂的网状系统,包括经济生活中一切产品买卖的价格,也包括 名目繁多的各种服务,诸如劳动力、专职人员、交通运输、公共事业等服务的价格。 
所有 这些价格的内在联系构成了价格系统。  任何一种个别产品或服务的价格都与这个庞大而复
杂的系统密切相关,而且或多或少地受到系统中其它成份的制约。如果随机挑选一群人,问
问他们如何定义"价格",许多人会回答价格就是根据卖方提供的产品或服务,买方向其付出 的钱数。
换句话说,价格就是市场交易中大家认同的产品或服务的货币量。 该定义就其本 身来说自有其道理。 
但要获得对价格在任何一桩交易中的完整认识,就必须考虑到大量" 非货币"因素的影响。 买卖双方不但要清楚交易中的钱数,而且要非常熟悉交易物的质量和
数量,交易的时间、地点,采用哪种形式付款,有怎样的缓付和优惠,对交易物的质量保证、 交货条款、退赔权利等等。 
也就是说,为了能估算索价,买卖双方必须通晓构成交易物价 格的通盘细节。
>04 Electricity
The modern age is an age of electricity. People are so used to electric
lights, radio, televisions, and telephones that it is hard to imagine what
life would be like without them. When there is a power failure, people
grope about in flickering candlelight, cars hesitate in the streets because
there are no traffic lights to guide them, and food spoils in silent
refrigerators.
Yet, people began to understand how electricity works only a little more
than two centuries
ago. Nature has apparently been experimenting in this field for millions of
years. Scientists are discovering more and more that the living world may
hold many interesting secrets of electricity that could benefit humanity.
All living cells send out tiny pulses of electricity. As the heart beats,
it sends out pulses of record;  they form an electrocardiogram, which  a
doctor can study  to determine  how well the heart is working. The brain,
too, sends out brain waves of electricity, which can be recorded in an
electroencephalogram.  The electric currents  generated by most living
cells are  extremely small -- often so small that sensitive instruments are
needed to record them. But in some animals, certain muscle cells have
become so specialized as electrical generators that they do not work as
muscle cells  at  all. When  large  numbers of  these cells are linked 
together, the  effects can  be astonishing.
The electric eel is an amazing storage battery. It can send a jolt of as
much as eight hundred volts of electricity through  the water in  which  it
 lives. (An electric house current is only one hundred twenty volts.)  As 
many as four-fifths  of all  the  cells in  the electric eel's  body are
specialized for generating electricity, and the strength of the shock it 
can deliver corresponds roughly to the length of its body.
电  当今时代是电气时代。 人们对电灯、收音机、电视和电话早已司空见惯以致很难想 象没有它们生活会变成什么样。
当停电时,人们在摇曳不定的烛光下暗中摸索; 因没有红 绿灯的指示,汽车在道路上迟疑不前;冰箱也停止工作,导致食物变质。人们只是在两个世
纪前一点才开始了解电的使用原理,自然界却显然在这方面经历过了数百万年。  科学家不
断发现许多生物世界里可能有益于人类的关于电的有趣秘密。所有生物细胞都会发出微小的 电脉冲。 
当心脏跳动时,把它发出的脉冲记录下来就成了心电图,这可让医生了解心脏的 工作状况。大脑也发出脑电波,这可在脑电图上记录下来。 
许多生物细胞发出的电流都是 极微小的,小到要用灵敏仪器才能记录和测量。  但一些动物的某些肌肉细胞能转化成一个 个发电机,以致完全失去肌肉细胞的功能。
 这种细胞大量地连接在一起时产生的效果将是 非常令人吃惊的。电鳗就是一种令人惊异的蓄电池。  它可以在水中发出相当于 800 伏特电
压电流(家庭用户的电压只有  120  伏特)。  在电鳗的身体里,多至五分之四的细胞都专门用 来发电,而且发出的电流的强度大约和它身体的长度成正比。
>05 The Beginning of Drama
There are many theories  about the  beginning of drama in ancient Greece.
The one  most widely accepted today is based on the assumption that drama
evolved from ritual. The argument for this view goes as follows. In the
beginning, human beings viewed the natural forces of the world - even the
seasonal changes - as unpredictable, and they sought through various means
to control  these  unknown  and  feared  powers.  Those  measures    which 
appeared  to  bring    the desired results were then retained and repeated
until they hardened into fixed rituals. Eventually stories arose which
explained or veiled the mysteries of the rites. As time passed some rituals
were abandoned, but the stories, later called myths, persisted and provided
material for art and drama.
Those who believe that drama evolved out of ritual also argue that those
rites contained the seed   of  theater    because   music,  dance,  masks, 
and  costumes  were  almost  always  used. Furthermore, a suitable site had
to be provided for performances and when the entire community
did  not  participate,  a  clear  division  was  usually  made  between 
the    "acting  area"  and  the
"auditorium."  In  addition,  there  were   performers,  and,  since 
considerable  importance  was attached to avoiding mistakes in the
enactment of rites, religious leaders usually assumed that task. Wearing
masks and costumes, they often  impersonated  other  people, animals, or
supernatural beings, and mimed the desired effect -- success in hunt or
battle, the coming rain, the revival of the Sun --  as an  actor might.
Eventually such dramatic representations were separated from religious
activities.
Another theory traces the theater's origin from the human interest in
storytelling. According to this view tales (about the hunt, war, or other
feats) are gradually elaborated, at first through the use of impersonation,
action, and dialogue by a narrator and then through the assumption of each
of the roles by a different person. A closely related theory traces theater
to those dances that are  primarily  rhythmical    and  gymnastic  or  that
 are  imitations    of  animal  movements  and sounds.
戏剧的起源  关于古希腊戏剧的起源存在着多种理论,其中一个最普遍为人接受的理论 假设认为戏剧从仪式演化而来。 
这个观点是这样进行论证的:一开始,人类把世界上的自 然力量,甚至季节的变化都看成是不可预料的。 他们试图通过各种方式去控制这些未知的、
令人恐惧的力量。  那些似乎带来了满意结果的手段就被保留下来并且重复直到这些手段固 化为不变的仪式,最后产生了能够解释或者掩盖这些仪式神秘性的故事。
随着时间的推移, 一些仪式被废弃了,但这些后来被称作神话的故事流传下来并且为艺术和戏剧提供了素材。
认为戏剧从仪式演化而来的人们还认为那些仪式包含了戏剧的基本因素,因为音乐、舞蹈、
面具和服装几乎经常被使用,而且,必须为演出提供一个合适的地点;如果不是整个社区共 同参加演出,经常在"演出区"和"观众席"之间划分出明显的分界。 
另外,仪式中还有演员, 而且宗教领袖通常承担演出任务,因为在仪式的执行中避免错误的发生被认为有相当大的重
要性;他们经常带着面具,穿着服装象演员那样扮演其它人、动物或超自然的生灵,用动作
来表演以达到所需要的效果,比如打猎的成功或战斗的胜利、将至的雨、太阳的复活。  最 后这些戏剧性的表演从宗教活动中分离了出来。 
另一个追溯戏剧起源的理论认为它来自人 们对叙述故事的兴趣。  根据这个观点,故事(关于狩猎、战争或者其它伟绩)是逐渐丰富起 来的。
首先通过一个讲解人来运用模仿、表演和对话,然后再由不同的人扮演各自的角色;
另一个与之紧密相关的理论将戏剧的起源追溯至舞蹈,这些舞蹈大体上是有节奏感的和体操 式的那一类,或者是对动物动作和声音的模仿。
 
>06 Television
Television --  the most pervasive and persuasive  of modern  technologies,
marked by rapid change and  growth -- is moving into  a new  era,  an era 
of extraordinary sophistication  and versatility, which promises to reshape
our lives and our world. It is an electronic revolution of sorts, made
possible by the marriage of television and computer technologies.
The word "television", derived from its Greek (tele: distant) and Latin
(visio: sight) roots, can literally be interpreted as sight from a
distance. Very simply put, it works in this way: through a sophisticated 
system  of    electronics, television provides the  capability of 
converting an image
(focused on  a special photoconductive plate within  a camera) into
electronic impulses, which can be sent through a wire or cable. These
impulses, when fed into a receiver (television set), can then be
electronically reconstituted into that same image.
Television is more than just an electronic system, however. It is a means
of expression, as well as a vehicle for communication, and as such becomes
a powerful tool for reaching other human beings.
The  field  of  television  can  be  divided  into  two  categories 
determined  by  its  means  of transmission. First, there is broadcast
television, which reaches the masses through broad-based airwave 
transmission  of  television  signals.    Second,  there  is  nonbroadcast 
television,  which provides for the needs of individuals or specific
interest groups through controlled transmission techniques.
Traditionally,  television  has  been  a  medium  of  the  masses.  We  are
 most  familiar  with broadcast television because it has been with us for
about thirty-seven years in a form similar to what exists today. During
those years, it has been controlled, for the most part, by the broadcast
networks, ABC, NBC, and CBS, who have been the major purveyors of news,
information, and entertainment. These giants of broadcasting  have actually
shaped  not  only  television  but our perception of it as well. We have
come to look upon the picture tube as a source of entertainment, placing
our role in this dynamic medium as the passive viewer.
电视电视--以快速变化与发展为标志的最普遍、最具有影响力的一项现代技术,正在步 入一个极端复杂化与多样化的新时代。 
这个时代承诺重新塑造我们的生活和我们的世界。 这可以称得上是又一次电子革命,其关键在于电视技术与计算机技术的结合。"电视"这个词
来源于希腊语词根(tele:远)和拉丁语词根(vision:景象),可以从字面上理解为来自远处的 景象。 
简单说来,电视是以这种方式工作的,通过一个复杂的电子系统,电视能够将一幅
图像(这幅图像被聚焦在一部摄像机内的一块特殊的光导底片上)转换成能经过导线或电缆 发送出去的电子脉冲信号。 
当这些电子脉冲信号被输入一部接收机(电视机)时,就可以用 电子学的方法把脉冲信号重新恢复成同一幅图像。但是,电视不仅仅是一个电子系统,它还
是一种表达工具和传播渠道。  因此,电视成了一个对其他人发生影响的强大工具。电视这 个领域可以根据其发射方式分为两类。 
第一类为广播电视,通过电视信号的宽带无线电波 发射展现在大众面前;第二类为非广播电视,使用受控的发射技术来满足个人以及某些特殊
利益群体的需要。电视早已成为大众媒介。  我们熟悉广播电视,因为广播电视已经以类似 目前的方式存在了大约 37 年。 
在那些年头中,电视绝大部分一直由 ABC、NBC、CBS 这 些广播电视公司控制着,这些广播电视公司一直是新闻、信息和娱乐的主要提供者。  这些
广播业的巨头实际上不仅塑造了电视,而且也塑造了我们对电视的理解。  我们渐渐把显像 管看作是娱乐的来源,让自己成为这个生动的媒介的被动观众。
>07 Andrew Carnegie
Andrew Carnegie, known as the King of Steel, built the steel industry in
the United States, and, in the process, became one of the wealthiest men in
America. His success resulted in part from his ability to sell the product
and in part from his policy of expanding during periods of economic
decline, when most of his competitors were reducing their investments.
Carnegie  believed  that  individuals  should  progress  through  hard 
work,  but  he  also  felt strongly that the wealthy should use their
fortunes for the benefit of society. He opposed charity, preferring  
instead   to  provide     educational   opportunities  that  would  allow  
others  to   help themselves.  "He who dies rich, dies disgraced, " he 
often said.
Among his more noteworthy contributions to society are those that bear his
name, including
the Carnegie Institute of Pittsburgh, which has a library, a museum of fine
arts, and a museum of national history. He also founded a school of
technology that is now part of Carnegie-Mellon University. Other
philanthropic gifts  are the  Carnegie Endowment for International Peace 
to promote understanding between nations, the Carnegie Institute of
Washington to fund scientific research, and Carnegie Hall to provide a
center for the arts.
Few Americans have been left untouched by Andrew Carnegie's generosity. His
contributions of more than five million dollars established 2,500 libraries
in small communities throughout the country and formed the nucleus of the 
public library system that we all enjoy today.
安德鲁·卡内基  被称作钢铁大王的安德鲁·卡内基在美国建立了钢铁工业。 在这个过 程中,他变成了美国最富有的人之一。 
他的成功,部分来自于他销售产品的能力,部分来 自于经济萧条时期的扩充策略。  在萧条时期,他的多数对手都在缩减投资。卡内基认为个
人应该通过努力工作来获得进展,但他也强烈地感到有钱人应该运用他们的财富来为社会谋 取福利。  他反对施舍救济,更愿意提供教育机会,使别人自立。 
卡内基经常说:"富有着 死去的人死得可耻。"他对社会的较重要的贡献都以他的名字命名。 这些贡献包括匹兹堡卡 内基学校。 
这个学校有一个图书馆,一个美术馆和一个国家历史博物馆;他还创立了一所 技术学校,这所学校现在是卡内基 梅隆大学的一部分;其他的慈善捐赠有为促进国家间了
解的"卡内基国际和平基金",为科学研究提供经费的华盛顿卡内基学院以及给各种艺术活动
提供活动中心的卡内基音乐厅。安德鲁·卡内基的慷慨大度几乎影响到每个美国人的生活。 由于他超过五百万美元的捐款,2500 
个图书馆得以建立起来,遍布在美国各地的小村镇, 形成了我们今天还在享用的公共图书馆系统的核心。
>08 American Revolution
The American Revolution was not a revolution in the sense of a radical or
total change. It was not  a  sudden  and violent  overturning  of  the 
political  and  social  framework,  such  as  later occurred  in  France 
and  Russia,  when  both    were  already  independent  nations. 
Significant changes  were  ushered  in,  but  they  were  not 
breathtaking.  What   happened  was  accelerated evolution rather than
outright revolution. During the conflict itself people went on  working and
praying, marrying and playing. Most of them were not seriously disturbed by
the actual fighting, and many of the more isolated communities scarcely
knew that a war was on. America's War of Independence heralded the birth of
three modern nations. One was Canada, which received its first  large
influx of English-speaking population from the thousands of loyalists who
fled there from the United States. Another was Australia, which became a
penal colony now that America was no longer available for prisoners and 
debtors. The third newcomer -- the United States -- based itself squarely
on republican principles.
Yet even the political overturn was not so revolutionary as one might
suppose. In some states, notably  Connecticut    and  Rhode  Island,  the 
war  largely  ratified  a  colonial  self-rule  already existing. British
officials, everywhere ousted, were replaced by a home-grown governing
class, which promptly sought a local substitute for king and Parliament.
美国革命  美国革命其实并不算是一场革命,因为它并未导致完全的和彻底的变化。 这
次革命并不是对政治和社会框架的一次突然和猛烈的颠覆,象后来在已经是独立国家的法国 和俄国所爆发的革命那样。 
革命带来了重大的变化,但并非翻天覆地,所发生的只是进化 的加速,而不是一场彻底的革命;在冲突期间,人们仍然上班、做礼拜、结婚、玩耍。  多
数人并没有受到实际战斗的严重影响。  许多较闭塞的社区对这场战争几乎一无所知。美国 独立战争宣布了三个现代国家的诞生,其中一个是加拿大。 
加拿大的第一大批讲英语的流 入人口来自于成千上万英王的效忠者, 这些人从美国逃到了加拿大。 另一个国家是澳大利
亚,因为美国不再是容纳罪犯和欠债者的国度了,澳大利亚就变成了一个惩治罪犯的殖民地
(注:独立战争前,英国政府将罪犯流放到美国)。  第三个国家就是美国,它完全建立在共
和原则基础上。即使政治上的颠覆也不如人们可能想象的那样具有革命性。  在一些州,特 别是康涅狄格和罗德岛,战争基本上只是承认了已经存在的殖民地的自治。
 四处被驱逐的 英国官员都被本土的统治阶级所替代,这个统治阶级迅速地以地方权力机关来替代国王和议 会。
>09 Suburbanization
If by "suburb" is meant an urban margin that grows more rapidly than its
already developed interior, the process of suburbanization began during the
emergence of the industrial city in the second quarter of the nineteenth 
century. Before that period the city was a small highly compact cluster in
which people moved about on foot and goods were conveyed by horse and cart.
But the  early  factories  built  in  the  1830's  and  1840's  were 
located  along   waterways  and  near railheads at the edges of cities,
and housing was needed for the thousands of people drawn by the prospect of
employment. In time, the factories were surrounded by proliferating mill
towns of apartments  and    row  houses  that  abutted  the  older,  main 
cities.  As  a  defense  against  this encroachment and to enlarge their
tax bases, the cities appropriated their industrial neighbors. In
1854,  for  example,  the  city  of  Philadelphia  annexed most  of 
Philadelphia  County.  Similar municipal maneuvers took place in Chicago
and in New York. Indeed, most great cities of the United States achieved
such status only by incorporating the communities along their borders.
With the acceleration  of industrial growth came acute urban crowding and
accompanying social stress -- conditions that began to approach disastrous
proportions when, in 1888, the first commercially  successful   electric 
traction line  was  developed.  Within   a  few  years   the horse-drawn
trolleys were  retired and electric streetcar networks crisscrossed and
connected every  major  urban  area,  fostering  a  wave  of 
suburbanization  that  transformed  the  compact industrial  city into  a
dispersed metropolis.This first  phase  of mass-scale suburbanization was
reinforced  by  the  simultaneous  emergence  of  the  urban  Middle 
Class,  whose  desires  for homeownership in neighborhoods far from the   
aging inner city were satisfied by the developers of single-family housing
tracts.
郊区的发展  如果"郊区"指的是比已建好的城市内部发展更为迅速的城市边缘地带,那 么郊区化可以说始于 1825 年至 1850 年工业化城市出现期间。
 在这之前,城市只是高度密 集的小聚居群。  在其中,人们步行走动,商品靠马车来运送。  但是建于 18 世纪三四十年
代的早期工厂位于城边的航道和铁路附近,被工作机会吸引到这里的成千上万的人们需要住 房。 
渐渐地,在与旧有的主要城区相毗邻的地方,不断涌现出由排房和公寓楼组成的工人
聚居区,包围了工厂。作为对这种侵蚀的自卫,也为了扩大它们收税的地域范围,城市吞并 了工业化的临近地带,比如 1854
年费城的城区就兼并了费县的绝大部分地区。 相似的城市 化也发生在芝加哥和纽约。  今天很多美国的大城市其实就是靠吞并它们附近的边缘地区而
变成大都会的。随着工业化的加速发展,城市里出现了严重拥挤和相伴而来的社会压力。 当
1888 年第一条商业上成功的电气化铁轨被制造出来时,压力开始接近危机的程度。  几年之
内,马车就被废弃了,电车网相互交织连接着各个重要的城区,从而形成了一种郊区化的潮 流,即密集的工业城市转变成了分散的都市。 
此时城市中产阶级的出现进一步加强了第一 波大规模郊区化。  这些中产阶级希望在远离老旧城市的地区拥有住宅,单一家庭住宅地区 的开发者满足了他们的愿望。
>10 Types of Speech
Standard  usage includes those words and expressions  understood, used, 
and accepted by a majority of the speakers of a language in any situation
regardless of the level of formality. As such, these words and expressions
are well defined and listed in standard dictionaries. Colloquialisms, on
the other hand, are familiar words and idioms that are understood by almost
all speakers of a language and used in informal speech or writing, but not
considered appropriate for more formal situations. Almost all idiomatic
expressions are colloquial language. Slang, however, refers to words and
expressions understood by a large number of speakers but not accepted as
good, formal usage  by    the  majority.  Colloquial  expressions  and 
even  slang  may  be  found  in  standard dictionaries but will  be so 
identified. Both colloquial usage and  slang are  more common in speech
than in writing.
Colloquial speech often  passes into standard speech.  Some slang  also
passes into standard speech, but other slang expressions enjoy momentary
popularity followed by obscurity. In some cases, the majority never accepts
 certain slang  phrases but  nevertheless retains them in  their collective
memories. Every generation seems to require its own set of words to
describe familiar objects and events.
It has been pointed out by a number of linguists that three cultural
conditions are necessary for the creation of a large body of slang
expressions. First, the introduction and acceptance of new objects  and 
situations  in  the  society;  second,  a  diverse  population  with  a 
large  number  of subgroups; third, association among the subgroups and the
majority population.
Finally, it is  worth noting  that the terms "standard" "colloquial" and
"slang" exist only as abstract labels for scholars who study language. Only
a tiny number of the speakers of any language will be  aware that they are 
using colloquial or slang expressions.  Most speakers  of English will,
during appropriate situations, select and use all three types of
expressions.
语言的类型  标准用法包括那些为使用这种语言的大多数人在任何场合下理解、使用和 接受的词和短语,而不论该场合是否正式。 
这些词和短语的意义已很确定并被列入了标准 词典中。  相反,俗语是指那些几乎所有讲这种语言的人都理解并在非正式的口头或书面中
使用,却不适用于更正规的一些场合的词和短语。  几乎所有的习惯用语都属于俗语,而俚
语指的是为很多讲这种语言的人理解但大多数人不把它们列入好的、正式用法之内的词和短 语;俗语甚至俚语都可能在标准字典中查到,但是字典中会标明它们的性质。
 俗语和俚语 词汇的应用都是口头较多、笔头较少。俗语用法经常地被接受为标准用法。  一些俚语也变
成了标准用法,但另外一些俚语只经历了短暂的流行,而后就被弃之不用了。  有时候,多 数人从来不接受某些俚语,但是他们把这些俚语保存到集中记忆中。 
每一代人似乎都需要 独有的一套词汇来描述熟知的物体和事件。  很多语言学家指出,大量俚语的形成需要三个
文化条件:第一,对社会中新事物的引入和接受;第二,一个由大量子群构成的多样化人口;
第三,各子群与多数人口之间的联系。最后需要提到的是,"标准语"、"俗语"和"俚语"这些 术语只是对研究语言的专家才有用的抽象标签。 
不论何种语言,只会有很小一部分使用者
能够意识到他们是在使用俗语或俚语。  讲英语的多数人能够在适当的场合中选择使用所有 这三种语言类型。
>11 Archaeology
Archaeology is a source of history, not just a humble auxiliary discipline.
Archaeological data are historical documents in their own right, not mere
illustrations to written texts. Just as much as any other  historian,  an 
archaeologist studies and tries to reconstitute the process that  has
created the human world in which we live -- and us ourselves in so far as
we are each creatures of our age  and social environment.  Archaeological 
data are all changes in the  material world resulting from human action or,
more succinctly, the fossilized results of human behavior. The sum total of
these constitutes what may be called the archaeological record. This record
exhibits certain  peculiarities  and  deficiencies  the  consequences  of 
which  produce  a  rather  superficial contrast between archaeological
history and the more familiar kind based upon written records.
Not all human behavior fossilizes. The words I utter and you hear as
vibrations in the air are certainly human  changes in the material world
and may be of great historical significance. Yet they leave no sort of
trace in the archaeological records unless they are captured by a
dictaphone or written down by a clerk. The movement of troops on the
battlefield may "change the course of history," but this is equally
ephemeral from the archaeologist's standpoint. What is perhaps worse, most
organic materials are perishable. Everything made of wood, hide, wool, 
linen, grass, hair, and similar materials will decay and vanish in dust in
a few years or centuries, save under very exceptional  conditions. In a
relatively brief period the archaeological record is reduced to mere scraps
of stone, bone, glass, metal, and earthenware. Still modern archaeology, by
applying appropriate techniques and comparative  methods,  aided  by a few
lucky finds from peat-bogs, deserts, and frozen soils, is able to fill up a 
good deal of the gap.
考古学
考古学是历史学的一个来源,而不是地位卑微的辅助学科。  考古学资料本身也是一种 历史文献,而不仅仅是文字资料的例证。 
正象任何一位历史学家那样,考古学家研究调查 并尽力去重构一个过程。  这个过程创造了我们生活的人类世界,也创造了我们自身,因为
我们都是我们所处的时代和社会环境的产物。  考古学的资料就是人类行为所造成的物质变 化。  更简洁地说,是石化了的人类行为。 
这些变化的总和构成了我们所说的考古学记录。 这些记录自有其独特和不足之处,因而导致人们对考古历史和更熟悉的文字记载历史进行相
当肤浅的对比。并不是所有的人类行为都留下化石。  我说的话,你通过空气振动听见,这
当然是人类造成的物质变化,也可能有重大的历史意义,但这些话在考古学中未留下丝毫痕 迹,除非有人用录音机录下来或文书把这些话写了下来。
战场上军队的行动可能"改变历史 的进程",但从考古学的观点来看,这同样是难以捕捉的;可能更糟的是,多数有机物质会 腐烂。 
任何由木头、生皮、绒线、亚麻、草、毛发以及相似物质做成的东西除非在一些非 常特殊的条件下,几年或几个世纪以后,会在尘土中腐烂并消失。 
在短时期内,能留下考 古记录的东西也都会退化为石头、骨头、玻璃、金属和陶器的碎片。  然而,现代考古学通
过运用适当的技术和比较的方法,在从泥炭、沙漠和冻土中所获得的一些幸运发现的辅助下, 能够填充这个空缺的很大部分。
>12 Museums
From Boston to Los Angeles, from New York City to Chicago to Dallas,
museums are either planning, building, or wrapping up wholesale expansion
programs. These programs already have radically altered facades and floor
plans or are expected to do so in the not-too-distant future.
In New York City alone, six major institutions have spread up and out into
the air space and neighborhoods around them or are preparing to do so.
The reasons for this confluence  of activity are complex,  but one factor
is a consideration everywhere -- space. With collections  expanding, with
the needs and functions of museums changing, empty space has become a very 
precious commodity.
Probably nowhere in the country is this more true than at the Philadelphia
Museum of Art, which has needed additional space for decades and which
received its last significant facelift ten years ago. Because of the space 
crunch, the Art Museum has become increasingly cautious in considering 
acquisitions  and  donations  of  art,  in  some    cases  passing  up 
opportunities  to strengthen its collections.
Deaccessing -- or selling off -- works of art  has  taken on new importance
because of  the museum's space problems. And increasingly, curators have
been forced to juggle gallery space, rotating one masterpiece into public
view while another is sent to storage.
Despite the clear need for additional gallery and storage space, however,
"the museum has no plan, no plan to break out of its envelope in the next
fifteen years," according to Philadelphia Museum of Art's president.
博物馆 从波士顿到洛杉机,从纽约到芝加哥、到达拉斯,所有的博物馆或者正在筹划、建造或
者正在完成大规模的扩建计划。  这些计划或者已经根本性地改变了博物馆门面与展厅的设 计,或者预期在不久的将来会这样做。 
单单在纽约市,六个主要机构或者已经向空中和周 围扩展,或者正准备这样做。大家一致行动的原因是复杂多样的,但其中的一个因素是普遍 考虑的空间问题。 
随着收藏品的增多,也随着博物馆的需要和功能的变化,空间已经变成 了一项非常珍贵的商品。在我国,也许没有任何其他地方比费城艺术博物馆更符合这个事实。
这个博物馆几十年来一直需要额外的空间,十年前进行了最后一次重大的翻新。  由于空间
紧缺,该艺术博物馆在考虑购买与受赠艺术品已越来越谨慎,有时甚至放弃增强艺术收藏的
机会。由于博物馆的空间问题,将艺术品脱手或者说卖掉已经有了新的重要意义。  博物馆
馆长们被迫巧妙轮换利用陈列馆的空间,轮流着把一些艺术杰作向公众展出,而把另一些送
入存储室中。虽然对额外的陈列室和存储室空间需要很明显,但据费城艺术博物馆经理讲:
"博物馆还没有在未来十五年打破这个束缚的计划。"
>13 Skyscrapers and Environment
In the  late 1960's,  many people in North America turned  their attention 
to environmental problems, and new steel-and-glass skyscrapers were  widely
criticized. Ecologists pointed out that a cluster of tall buildings in a 
city often overburdens public transportation and parking lot capacities.
Skyscrapers are also lavish consumers, and wasters, of electric power. In
one recent year, the addition of 17 million square feet of skyscraper
office space in New York City raised the peak daily demand for electricity
by 120, 000 kilowatts -- enough to supply the entire city of Albany, New
York, for a day.
Glass-walled skyscrapers can be especially wasteful. The heat loss (or
gain) through a wall of half-inch  plate glass is  more than ten  times
that through a typical  masonry wall filled with insulation board. To
lessen the strain  on heating and air-conditioning  equipment, builders of
skyscrapers have begun to use double-glazed panels of glass, and reflective
glasses coated with silver  or  gold  mirror  films  that  reduce  glare 
as  well  as  heat  gain.    However,  mirror-walled skyscrapers raise the
temperature of the surrounding air and affect neighboring buildings.
Skyscrapers put a severe strain on a city's sanitation facilities, too. If
fully occupied, the two World Trade Center towers in New York City would
alone generate 2.25 million gallons of raw sewage each year -- as much as a 
city the size of Stanford, Connecticut, which has a population of more than
109, 000.
摩天大楼与环境
60  年代后期,许多北美人把注意力转向了环境问题,那些崭新的玻璃钢摩天大楼受到 了广泛的批评。 
生态学家指出,城市中密集的高层建筑经常给公共交通与停车场的承载能 力造成过重的负担。摩天大楼还是电能的过度消费者与浪费者。  最近的某一年,纽约市摩
天写字楼 1,700 万英尺办公面积的增加使电能的最高日需求量提高了 120,000 千瓦。  这
些电能足以供纽约的整个奥尔巴尼市使用一天。玻璃表面的摩天大楼特别地浪费。  通过半
英寸的平板玻璃墙壁损失(或增加)的热量是典型的加入绝缘板的石墙所允许的热量损失(或 增加)的十倍以上。
为了减轻取暖设备或空调设备的压力,摩天大楼的建造者们已经开始使 用双面上釉的玻璃镶板和涂上了金色或银色反光薄膜的反光玻璃,来减少强光照射和热量的
增加;但是,镜面的摩天大楼会提高周围空气的温度并会对附近的建筑物产生影响。摩天大 楼也对城市的卫生设施造成了沉重的压力。 
单单纽约市的二个世界贸易中心大楼如果完全 被占满的话,每年就会产生 2,250,000 加仑的污水。  这相当于康涅狄格州的斯坦福市这
样大的城市一年所产生的污水量,而康州的斯坦福市拥有 109,000 人口。
>14 A Rare Fossil Record
The preservation of embryos and juveniles is a rate occurrence in the
fossil record. The tiny, delicate skeletons are usually scattered  by
scavengers or destroyed by weathering  before they can  be  fossilized. 
Ichthyosaurs  had  a higher  chance  of  being  preserved  than  did 
terrestrial creatures because, as marine animals, they tended to live in 
environments less subject to erosion. Still, their fossilization required 
a suite  of factors:  a slow rate of  decay of soft tissues, little
scavenging by other animals, a lack of swift currents and waves to jumble
and carry away small bones,  and  fairly  rapid  burial.  Given  these 
factors,  some  areas  have  become  a  treasury  of well-preserved 
ichthyosaur fossils.
The   deposits  at  Holzmaden,  Germany,  present   an   interesting  case 
for  analysis.  The ichthyosaur remains are found in black, bituminous
marine shales deposited about 190 million years ago. Over the years,
thousands of specimens of marine reptiles, fish and invertebrates have been
recovered from these rocks. The quality of preservation is outstanding, but
what is even more   impressive   is   the   number   of   ichthyosaur  
fossils   containing   preserved   embryos.
Ichthyosaurs with embryos have been reported from 6 different levels of the
shale in a small area around Holzmaden, suggesting that  a specific site
was used  by large numbers  of ichthyosaurs repeatedly over time. The 
embryos are quite advanced  in their physical development; their paddles,
for example, are already well formed. One specimen is even preserved in the
birth canal. In addition, the shale contains the remains of many newborns
that are between 20 and 30 inches long.
Why are there so  many pregnant females and  young  at Holzmaden when they
are so rare elsewhere? The quality of preservation is almost unmatched and 
quarry operations have  been carried out carefully  with  an awareness of 
the value of the fossils. But these factors do not account for the
interesting question of how there came to be such a concentration of
pregnant ichthyosaurs in a particular place very close to their time of
giving birth.
罕见的化石记录  胚胎与幼体被保存下来在化石记录中是少见的事情。微小纤细的骨骼 通常在石化前就被食腐肉的动物拆散了,或者被风化作用破坏掉了。 
鱼龙比起陆地的动物 有更大的几率被保存下来,因为它们作为海洋动物常生活在腐蚀性较小的环境中。  但是它
们的石化需要一系列因素:软组织的腐烂速度缓慢,很少被其他动物残食,缺少混杂、冲走 小骨头的快速水流和波浪,以及相当快地被掩埋。 
当这些因素存在时,某些地区就会变成 一个充满保存完好的鱼龙化石的宝库。在德国获尔兹梅登,那儿的沉积物给人们提出了一个 有趣的分析案例。 
人们在黑色的、含沥青的海洋页岩中发现了约 19,000 年前沉积下来的 鱼龙化石。 
几年时间内,在这些岩石中取得了数以千计的海洋爬行动物、鱼类以及无脊椎 动物的标本。 
它们的保存质量非常的好,但更令人称奇的是保存下来的育有胚胎的鱼龙化 石数目。  在获尔兹梅登附近一个小地区的六个不同的页岩层中分别发现了育有胚胎的鱼龙
化石。 这表明大量的鱼龙经年累月重复使用一个特定的地点。 那些胚胎已经发育得相当完 整了。  比如,它们的蹼桨已经完全形成了。 
有一个标本甚至被保存在产道中。  而且,那 块页岩包含着很多在 20 到 30 英寸之间的新生幼体的化石。为什么在其他地方那么稀少的怀
孕雌兽和幼体在获尔兹梅登却那么多呢?  因为其保存质量几乎举世无双,采集工作的进行一 直是一丝不苟的。 
大家都认识到这些化石的价值极其珍贵,但这些因素并不能解释这个有 趣的问题:  为什么在一个特定的地点会如此集中地出现即将临产的怀孕鱼龙群呢?
>15 The Nobel Academy
For the last 82 years, Sweden's Nobel Academy has decided who will receive
the Nobel Prize in Literature, thereby determining who will be elevated
from the great and the near great to the immortal. But today the Academy is
coming under heavy criticism both from the without and from within. Critics
contend that the selection of the winners often has less to do with true
writing ability than with the peculiar internal politics of the Academy and
of Sweden itself. According to Ingmar Bjorksten, the cultural editor for
one of the country's two major newspapers, the prize continues to represent
"what people call a very Swedish exercise: reflecting Swedish tastes." The
Academy has defended itself against such charges of provincialism in its
selection by asserting that its physical distance from the great literary
capitals of the world actually serves to protect the Academy  from outside 
influences. This may  well  be true,  but critics respond that this  very
distance may  also  be responsible for  the Academy's  inability to 
perceive accurately authentic trends in the literary world.
Regardless of concerns  over the selection process, however, it seems that
the  prize will
continue to survive both as an indicator of the literature that we most
highly praise, and as an elusive goal that writers seek. If for no other
reason, the prize will continue to be desirable for the financial rewards
that accompany it; not only is the cash prize itself considerable, but it
also dramatically increases sales of an author's books.
诺贝尔委员会
过去的 82 年里,瑞典的诺贝尔委员会决定了谁将获得诺贝尔文学奖,因此也就决定了 谁将从伟大或近乎伟大荣升为不朽。 
但在今天,该委员会却遭到了评选委员会内外的猛烈 批评。  批评者们争论说:"评选获奖者时,起作用更大的不是真实的写作能力,而是该委员
会以及瑞典特有的内部政治。  按照瑞典两家主要报纸之一的文化版编辑  Ingmar  Bjorksten
的说法,该文学奖仍然是"人们所说的一种非常瑞典式的做为:反映瑞典口味"。对于其评选
过程中目光短浅的指责,该委员会辩护说,该委员会与世界几大文学之都相距遥远,实际上 使该委员会免受外来的干扰。
这也许是对的,但批评者们反驳说,也正因为相距如此遥远, 该委员会才不能准确地把握文学界的真正趋势。尽管对评选程序存在着关注,该文学奖将继
续作为世人最为推崇的文学的标志而存在,并将继续是作家们难以达到却又会不断追逐的目 标。 
如果不考虑其他因素,而仅仅考虑与之俱来的经济利益,该奖也将继续为人所渴求:
这不仅因为该奖本身就是一笔可观的现金收入,而且该奖还将极大地增加一个作家的著作的 销量。
>16  The  War  between  Britain  and  France
In the late eighteenth century, battles raged in almost every corner of
Europe, as well as in the Middle East, South Africa, the West Indies, and
Latin America. In reality, however, there was only one major war during
this time, the war between Britain and France. All other battles were
ancillary to this larger conflict, and were often at least partially
related to its antagonists' goals and strategies. France sought total 
domination  of Europe. This goal was obstructed by British independence and
Britain's efforts throughout the continent to thwart Napoleon; through
treaties, Britain  built  coalitions  (not   dissimilar  in  concept  to 
today's   NATO)  guaranteeing  British participation in all major European
conflicts. These two antagonists were poorly matched, insofar as they had
very unequal strengths: France was predominant on land, Britain at sea. The
French knew  that, short  of defeating  the British navy, their  only  hope
of  victory was to close all  the ports of Europe to British ships.
Accordingly, France set out to overcome Britain by extending its military
domination from Moscow to Lisbon, from Jutland to Calabria. All  of this 
entailed tremendous  risk, because France did not have the military
resources to control this much territory and still protect itself and
maintain order at home.
French strategists calculated that a navy of 150 ships would provide the
force necessary to defeat the British navy. Such a force would give France
a three-to-two advantage over Britain. This advantage was deemed necessary 
because of Britain's superior sea skills and technology, and also because
Britain would be fighting a defensive war, allowing it to win with fewer
forces. Napoleon  never  lost   sight  of   his  goal,  because   Britain  
represented  the last   substantial
impediment to his control of Europe. As his force neared that goal,
Napoleon grew increasingly impatient and began planning an immediate
attack.
英法战争
在 18 世纪后期,战争爆发于欧洲大陆的几乎每一个角落,在中东、南非、西印度群岛、 拉丁美洲亦都是如此。 
然而实际上,在这一时期只有一场主要的战争,那就是英法之间的 战争。  所有其他战争都服从于这一更大的争端,至少是与这两个对手的目标和战略有某些 关联。
 法国力图统治整个欧洲,而英国的自主及其力图在整个欧洲大陆挫败拿破仑的种种
努力都是法国实现这一目标的障碍。英国通过条约建立了联盟(和今天北约的概念没有什么 不同)以保证英国插手所有欧洲的主要争端。
这两个对头并不是一对好对手,因为他们的力 量极不均衡:法兰西在陆地上称王,英格兰则在海上称霸。  法国人明白,如果不能击败英
国海军,他们胜利的唯一希望就是让欧洲的所有港口都对英国舰船关闭。  于是,法国将其
军事占领从莫斯科延伸到里斯本,从尤特兰延伸到卡拉布里亚,企图以此来制服英国。  所
有这些行动包含着巨大的风险,因为法国并不具备足够的军事资源,来控制这么多地盘,同 时又能保护自己,维持国内的秩序。法国战略家们的算盘是,其海军若拥有
150 艘军舰,则 将足以击跨英国海军。 这样的武力将使法国对英国具有 3 比 2 的优势。 这种优势被认为是
必不可少的,因为英国人具有超群的海上技能和技术,并且打的是一场防御战争,使它能以 少胜多。
拿破仑从未忘却他的目标,因为英国是他统治全欧的最后一个重大的障碍。 随着 他的力量越来越靠近这个目标,拿破仑变得越来越不耐烦起来,开始策划立即攻击。
>17 Evolution of Sleep
Sleep is very ancient. In the electroencephalographic sense we share it
with all the primates and almost all the other mammals and birds: it may
extend back as far as the reptiles.
There is some evidence that the two types of sleep, dreaming and dreamless,
depend on the life-style of the animal, and that predators are
statistically much more likely to dream than prey, which are in turn much
more likely to experience dreamless sleep. In dream sleep, the animal is
powerfully immobilized and remarkably unresponsive to  external stimuli.
Dreamless sleep  is much shallower, and we have  all witnessed cats or 
dogs cocking their ears to a sound when apparently fast asleep. The fact
that deep dream sleep is rare among prey today seems clearly to be a 
product of natural selection, and it makes sense that today, when sleep is
highly evolved, the stupid animals are  less frequently immobilized by 
deep sleep than the smart ones. But why should they sleep  deeply at all? 
Why should a state of such  deep immobilization ever  have evolved? Perhaps
one useful hint about the original function of sleep is to be found in the
fact that dolphins and whales  and aquatic mammals in general seem to sleep
very little. There is, by and large,  no  place  to  hide  in  the  ocean. 
  Could  it  be  that,  rather  than  increasing  an  animal's
vulnerability, the function of sleep is to decrease it? Wilse Webb of the
University of Florida and Ray Meddis  of London University  have suggested
this to  be the case. It is conceivable  that animals who  are too stupid
to be  quiet on their own initiative are,  during periods of  high risk,
immobilized by the implacable arm of sleep. The point seems particularly
clear for the young of predatory animals. This is an interesting notion and
probably at least partly true.
睡眠的进化
睡眠是古老的。  从脑电图上看,我们人类和所有灵长目动物以及几乎所有的哺乳动物 和鸟类都一样需要睡眠;甚至爬行类动物也有睡眠。 
有证据显示,有梦睡眠和无梦睡眠这
两种类型的睡眠取决于该动物的生活方式。  从统计上看,食肉动物比被捕食动物有更多的 有梦睡眠,而被捕食动物更多地无梦睡眠。 
动物在有梦睡眠时,被有效地解除动作能力, 并且对外界刺激缺乏反应。  无梦睡眠则要浅得多。  我们都看到过猫和狗在显然的酣睡中,
有一点响动耳朵就会竖起来。  被捕食动物很少有深度的有梦睡眠,这看来显然是自然选择 的结果。 
而且这一点是有道理的:当睡眠高度进化以后,愚笨的动物比聪明的动物更少在 深度睡眠状态下丧失动作能力。
但是动物为什么要进入深度睡眠呢?为什么这样的无动作状 态也会进化出来呢?  海豚、鲸鱼以及水生哺乳动物睡眠都极少,这一事实可以给睡眠的根本
功能提供有用的线索。 海洋中是没有藏身之处的。 会不会是这样,睡眠不但不增加动物受 伤害的可能性,反而是减少了这种可能性呢?佛罗里达大学的 Wilse
Webb 和伦敦大学的 Ray Meddis 认为情况就是如此。  可以想像得出,在危险的时刻,那些由于太愚笨而不能自动保
持安静的动物,会不由自主地变得动弹不得。  这一点在食肉动物的幼兽身上表现得特别明 显。  这是一个很有意思的看法,它至少部分是正确的。
>18 Modern American Universities
Before the  1850's, the United States  had a number of small colleges, 
most of them dating from colonial days. They were small, church connected
institutions whose primary concern was to shape the moral character of
their students.
Throughout Europe, institutions of higher learning had developed, bearing
the ancient name of university. In Germany a different kind of university
had developed. The German university was  concerned  primarily  with  
creating    and  spreading   knowledge,   not  morals.  Between midcentury
and the end of the 1800's, more than nine thousand young Americans,
dissatisfied with their training at home, went  to Germany for advanced
study.  Some of them returned to become presidents of venerable colleges --
Harvard, Yale, Columbia -- and transform them into modern universities. The
new presidents broke all ties with the churches and brought in a new kind
of faculty. Professors were hired for their knowledge of a subject, not
because they were of the  proper faith and had a  strong arm for
disciplining students. The  new principle was  that  a university was to
create knowledge as well as pass it on, and this called  for a faculty
composed of  teacher-scholars.  Drilling  and  learning  by  rote  were 
replaced  by  the  German  method  of lecturing, in which the professor's
own research was presented in class. Graduate training leading to  the 
Ph.D.,  an  ancient  German  degree  signifying  the  highest  level  of 
advanced  scholarly attainment, was introduced.  With the establishment of
the seminar system, graduate students learned to question, analyze, and
conduct their own research.
At the same time, the new university greatly expanded in size and course
offerings, breaking completely out of the old, constricted curriculum of
mathematics, classics, rhetoric, and music. The president of Harvard
pioneered the elective system, by which students were able to choose their
own courses of study. The notion of major fields of study emerged. The new
goal was to make the university relevant to the real pursuits of the world.
Paying close heed to the practical needs  of  society,  the  new 
universities  trained  men  and  women  to  work  at  its  tasks,  with
engineering students being the most characteristic of the new regime.
Students were also trained as economists,    architects, agriculturalists,
social welfare workers, and teachers.
现代美国大学
19 世纪 50 年代以前美国有一些小的学院,大多数成立于殖民时期。  它们是与教会挂
钩的小机构,主要目的是培养学生的道德品行。  当时在欧洲各地,高等教育机构已经发展 起来,用的是一个古老的名称--大学。 
德国已经发展出一种不同类型的大学。  德国大学关 心的主要是创造知识和传播知识,而不是道德教育。 从世纪中叶到世纪末,有 9000 多名美
国青年因不满国内所受的教育而赴德深造。  他们中的一些人回国后成为一些知名学府--哈 佛、耶鲁、哥伦比亚的校长并且把这些学府转变成了现代意义的大学。 
新校长们断绝了和 教会的关系,聘请了新型的教职员,聘用教授根据的是他们在学科方面的知识,而不是正确 的信仰和约束学生的强硬手段。
新的原则是大学既要传播知识也要创造知识。 这就需要由 学者型老师组成教工队伍。 靠死记硬背和做练习来学习的方法变为德国式的讲解方法。 德
国式的讲解就是由教授讲授自己的研究课题。  通过研究生性质的学习可以获得表明最高学 术造诣的古老的德国学位--博士学位。 
随着讨论课制度的建立,研究生们学会了提问、分 析以及开展他们自己的研究。  同时,新式大学学校规模和课程设置完全突破了过去那种只
有数学、经典著作、美学和音乐的狭窄课程表。  哈佛大学的校长率先推出选课制度,这样
学生们就能选择自己的专业。主修领域的概念也出现了。新的目标是使大学对实际社会更有 用。
密切关注着社会上的实际需求,新的大学着意培养学生解决问题的能力。 工程系学生
成为新式教育体制下最典型的学生。学生们还被培训成为经济学家、建筑师、农学家、社会 工作人员以及教师。
>19 Children's Numerical Skills
People appear to be born to compute. The numerical skills of children
develop so early and so inexorably that it is easy to imagine an internal
clock of mathematical maturity guiding their growth. Not long after
learning to walk and talk, they can set the table with impressive accuracy
-- one knife, one spoon, one fork, for each of the five chairs. Soon they
are capable of noting that they have placed five knives, spoons and forks
on the table and, a bit later, that this amounts to fifteen  pieces of
silverware. Having  thus  mastered addition, they move on to subtraction. 
It seems almost reasonable to expect  that if a child were secluded  on a
desert  island at birth  and retrieved seven years later, he or she could
enter a second-grade mathematics class without any serious problems of
intellectual adjustment.
Of course, the truth is not so simple. This century, the work of cognitive
psychologists has illuminated  the subtle forms of daily learning on which
intellectual  progress  depends.  Children were observed as they slowly
grasped -- or, as the case might be, bumped into -- concepts that adults
take for granted, as they refused, for instance, to concede that quantity
is unchanged as water pours from a short stout glass into a tall thin one.
Psychologists have since demonstrated that young children, asked to count
the pencils in a pile, readily report the number of blue or red pencils,
but must be coaxed into finding the total. Such studies have suggested that
the rudiments of mathematics are mastered gradually, and with effort. They
have also suggested that the very concept of abstract numbers - the idea of
a oneness, a twoness, a threeness that applies to any class of  objects and
is  a prerequisite for doing anything more  mathematically demanding than
setting a table - is itself far from innate.
儿童的数学能力
人似乎生来就会计算。  孩子们使用数字的技能发展得如此之早和如此必然,很容易让 人想象有一个内在的精确而成熟的数字钟在指导他们的成长。 
孩子们在学会走路和说话后 不久,就能以令人惊叹的准确布置桌子--五把椅子前面分别摆上一把刀、一个汤匙、一把叉
子。  很快地,他们就能知道他们已在桌面上摆放了五把刀、五个汤匙、五把叉子。  没有多 久,他们就又能知道这些东西加起来总共是 15 把银餐具。
如此这般地掌握了加法之后,他 们又转向减法。  有一种设想几乎顺理成章,那就是,即使一个孩子一出生就被隔绝到荒岛
上,七年后返回世间,也能直接上小学二年级的数学课,而不会碰到任何智力调整方面的大 麻烦。当然,事实并没有这么简单。 
本世纪认知心理学家的工作已经揭示了智力发展所依 赖的日常学习的微妙形式。  他们观察到孩子们缓慢掌握那些成年人认为理所当然的概念的
过程,或者是孩子们偶然遇到这些概念的过程。  他们也观察到孩子们拒绝承认某些常识的 情况。 比如:
孩子们拒绝承认当水从短而粗的瓶中倒入细而长的瓶子中时,水的数量没有 变化。  心理学家们而后又展示一个例子, 
即:让孩子们数一堆铅笔时,他们能顺利地报出 蓝铅笔或红铅笔的数目,但却需诱导才能报出总的数目。  此类研究表明:数学基础是经过 逐渐努力后掌握的。 
他们还表示抽象的数字概念,如可表示任何一类物品并且是在做比摆 桌子有更高数学要求的任何事时都必备的一、二、三意识,远远不是天生就具备的。
>20   The   Historical   Significance   of American Revolution
The ways of history are so intricate and the motivations of human actions
so complex that it is always hazardous to attempt to represent events
covering a number of years, a multiplicity of persons, and distant
localities as the expression of one intellectual or social movement; yet
the historical process which culminated in the ascent of Thomas Jefferson
to the presidency can be regarded as the outstanding example not only of
the birth of a new way of life but of nationalism as a new way of life. The
American Revolution represents the link  between  the seventeenth century,
in which modern England became conscious of itself, and the awakening  of 
modern Europe at the end of the eighteenth century. It may seem strange
that the march of history should have had to cross the Atlantic Ocean, but 
only in the North American colonies could a struggle for civic liberty lead
also to the foundation of a new nation.
Here, in the popular rising against a "tyrannical" government, the fruits
were more than the securing of a freer constitution. They included the
growth of a nation born in liberty by the will of the people, not from the
roots of common descent, a geographic entity, or the ambitions of king or
dynasty. With the American nation, for the first time, a nation was born,
not in the dim past of history but before the eyes of the whole world.
美国革命的历史意义 历史的进程是如此错综复杂,人类行为的动机是如此令人费解,以至于想把那些时间跨
度大,涉及人数多,空间范围广的事件描述成为一个智者或一场社会运动的表现的企图是危 险的。 
然而以托马斯·杰弗逊登上总统宝座为高潮的那一段历史过程可以被视为一个特殊 的例子。 
在这段历史时期里不仅诞生了新的生活方式,而且民族主义成为了一种新的生活 方式。  美国独立战争成为联结 17 世纪现代英格兰的自我意识和 18
世纪末现代欧洲的觉醒 的纽带。  历史的行程需要跨越大西洋,这看起来似乎有些奇怪,但却只有在北美殖民地为 民权和自由的斗争才能导致新国家的建立。 
这里,反对"暴政"的民众起义的成果不仅是获 得一个包含更多自由的宪法,还包括了一个依照人民的意愿诞生在自由中的国家的成长。这
个国家不是基于血缘、地理、君主或王朝的野心。  由于有了美国,第一次一个国家的诞生
不是发生在历史模糊的过去,而是在全世界人们的眼前。
>21 The Origin of Sports
When  did sport begin? If sport  is, in essence,  play,  the claim  might
be made that sport  is much older than humankind, for, as we all have
observed, the beasts play. Dogs and cats wrestle and  play  ball  games. 
Fishes  and birds  dance.  The  apes  have  simple,  pleasurable  games.
Frolicking infants, school children playing tag, and adult  arm wrestlers
are demonstrating strong, transgenerational and transspecies bonds with the
universe of animals - past, present, and future. Young animals,
particularly, tumble, chase, run, wrestle, mock, imitate, and laugh(or so
it seems) to the point of delighted exhaustion. Their play, and ours,
appears to serve no other purpose than to give pleasure to the players, and
apparently, to remove us temporarily from the anguish of life in earnest. 
Some philosophers have claimed that our playfulness is the most noble part
of our basic nature. In their generous conceptions, play harmlessly and
experimentally permits us to put our creative forces, fantasy, and
imagination into action. Play is release from the tedious battles against
scarcity and decline which are the incessant, and  inevitable, tragedies of
life. This is a grand conception that excites and provokes. The holders of
this view claim that the origins of our highest accomplishments - liturgy,
literature, and law - can be traced to a play impulse which, paradoxically,
we see most purely enjoyed by young beasts and children. Our sports, in
this rather happy,    nonfatalistic  view  of  human  nature,  are  more 
splendid  creations  of  the  nondatable, transspecies play impulse.
体育的起源 体育运动开始于何时?如果体育运动的本质就是游戏的话,我们就可以宣称体育运动比
人类古老,因为正如我们所观察到的,野兽也进行嬉戏。  狗和猫会扭抱玩球,鱼和鸟翩翩 起舞,猿类会进行一些简单的、愉快的游戏。 
雀跃的幼儿,捉迷藏的学童和成年摔跤者展 示出人与动物界的有力的跨越世代与物种的永恒的联系--特别是幼兽,它们翻筋斗、追逐、
奔跑、扭打、模仿、嬉笑(或者看起来是),直到愉快地精疲力尽。  他们的玩耍,同我们的
一样,似乎并没有别的目的而只是给游戏者以愉悦,暂时把我们从严肃生活的痛苦中拉出来。 一些哲学家称我们的嬉戏是我们本质中最崇高的部分。 
依他们这些随意性很大的见解,游 戏无害而且实验性地允许我们的创造力、幻想和想象发挥作用。  游戏让人们从永不间断亦
不可避免的生活悲剧-与乏匮和衰退进行的枯燥抗争中得到一种解脱。  这是一个令人兴奋、 给人启发的伟大见解。 
这种见解的持有者宣称,我们的最高成就如宗教典礼、文学、法律 的起源可以追溯到游戏的冲动。  但令人不解的是我们看到只有幼兽和小孩子才最纯粹地享
受着这种冲动。  从这种比较豁达和非宿命的人性观来看,我们的运动是超时代、跨物种的 辉煌的创造。
>22 Collectibles
Collectibles have been a part of almost every culture since  ancient times.
Whereas some objects have  been collected for  their  usefulness,  others
have  been selected for  their aesthetic beauty  alone.  In  the  United 
States,  the  kinds    of  collectibles  currently  popular  range  from
traditional objects such as stamps, coins, rare books, and art to more
recent items of interest like dolls, bottles, baseball cards, and comic
books.
Interest in collectibles has increased enormously during the past decade,
in part because some collectibles have   demonstrated  their value as 
investments. Especially during cycles of high inflation, investors try to
purchase  tangibles that will at least retain their current market values.
In general, the most traditional collectibles will be sought because they
have preserved their value over the years, there is an organized auction
market for them, and they are most easily sold in the event  that cash  is
needed. Some examples of  the  most stable collectibles  are old masters,
Chinese ceramics, stamps, coins, rare books, antique jewelry, silver,
porcelain, art by well-known artists,  autographs,  and   period 
furniture.  Other   items  of  more  recent   interest  include  old
photograph records, old magazines, post cards, baseball cards, art glass,
dolls, classic cars, old bottles,  and  comic books.  These relatively  new
kinds  of collectibles may actually appreciate faster as short-term
investments, but may not hold their value as long-term investments. Once a
collectible  has  had  its  initial  play,  it  appreciates  at  a  fairly 
  steady  rate,  supported  by  an increasing number of enthusiastic
collectors competing for the limited supply of collectibles that become
increasingly more difficult to locate.
收藏品
从古代开始,收藏品就是文化的一部分。  一些物品因它们的有用性被收藏,而另一些 则纯粹因为它们的美被收藏。 
在美国,当今流行的收藏品种类从传统物件,如邮票、硬币、 珍本书籍、艺术品,到更近期一些的有趣的东西,如布娃娃、瓶子、垒球卡、连环漫画册。
对收藏品的兴趣在过去十年中大大地增长,部分原因是一些收藏品显示出了它们的投资价 值。 
尤其在高通货膨胀时期,投资者尽量购买那些至少会保持他们现有市场价值的有形资 产。  一般来说,最传统的收藏品受青睐,因为它们多年后仍保持其价值。 
它们拥有完善的 拍卖市场,在需要现金的时候最容易被卖掉。  一些最稳当的收藏品是古老的画作、中国陶
器、邮票、硬币、珍本书籍、古代珠宝、银器、瓷器、著名艺术家的作品、亲笔签名和有时 代特征的家具。 
其它更近期的物品有旧唱片、旧杂志、明信片、垒球卡片、彩色玻璃、布 娃娃、早期汽车、古瓶和连环画册。  作为短期投资这些相对说来较新颖的收藏品的确可能
更快地增值,但作为长期投资则可能不能保值。  一旦一件收藏品有了它第一次交易,它便
以一个相当稳定的比率增值,这个增值率受到越来越多的热情的收藏者的支持,他们为有限 的而且越来越难找到的收藏品而竞争。
>23 Henry Ford
Although Henry Ford's name is closely associated with the concept of mass
production, he should  receive  equal    credit  for  introducing  labor 
practices  as  early  as  1913  that  would  be considered advanced even by
today's standards. Safety measures were improved, and the work day was
reduced to eight hours, compared with the ten-or twelve-hour day common at
the time. In order  to accommodate  the shorter work  day, the entire
factory was converted from two to three shifts.
In addition, sick leaves as well as improved medical care for those injured
on the job were instituted. The Ford Motor Company was one of the first
factories to develop a technical school to train specialized skilled
laborers and an English language school for immigrants. Some efforts were
even made to hire the handicapped and provide jobs for former convicts.
The most widely acclaimed innovation was the five-dollar-a-day minimum wage
that was offered in order to recruit and retain the best mechanics and to
discourage the growth of labor unions. Ford explained the new wage policy
in terms of efficiency and profit sharing. He also mentioned  the fact that
 his employees would be able to purchase the automobiles that  they
produced -- in effect creating a market for the product. In order to
qualify for the minimum wage, an employee  had to establish a  decent  home
and demonstrate good personal habits, including sobriety, thriftiness,
industriousness, and dependability. Although some criticism was directed at
Ford for involving himself too much in the personal lives of his employees,
there can be no doubt that, at a time when immigrants were being taken
advantage of in frightful ways, Henry Ford was helping many people to
establish themselves in America.
亨利·福特 尽管亨利·福特的名字和大生产的概念相连,但他在劳工保护上得到同样的赞誉,因为
他早在 1913 年便实行了用今天的标准来衡量依然是先进的标准。 安全措施得到改进,日工 作时间从当时普遍的 10 或 12 小时减少到 8 小时。 
为了适应更短的日工作时间,整个工厂 从双班变成了三班。而且,病假和改善了的工伤医疗得以制度化。  福特汽车公司是最早建
立技术学校来培训专门技工和为移民开设英语学校的工厂之一。  公司甚至为雇佣残疾人和
有前科的人而作出了一些努力。最受广泛称赞的革新是实行五美元一天的最低工资。  其目 的是招收和留住那些最好的技工并阻碍工会的发展。 
福特从效率和利润分享的角度来解释 这项新的工资政策。  他也提到这样一个事实,他的员工可以买他们生产的汽车--这实际上 是为其产品另开辟了一个市场。 
为了够资格得到最低工资,员工必须建立一个得体的家庭 并显示出良好的个人习惯,包括节制、俭省、勤勉和可靠。  虽然有人批评福特过多地干涉
了员工的私人生活,但毫无疑问,在移民们被用恶劣的方式剥削的时代,亨利·福特却帮助 了许多人在美国扎下根来。
>24 Piano
The ancestry of the piano can be traced to the early keyboard instruments
of the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries -- the spinet, the dulcimer, and
the virginal. In the seventeenth century the organ, the clavichord, and the 
harpsichord became the chief instruments of the keyboard group, a supremacy
 they  maintained until the  piano supplanted them at the end  of the
eighteenth century. The  clavichord's tone was metallic and never 
powerful; nevertheless, because of  the variety of tone possible to it,
many composers found the clavichord a sympathetic instrument for intimate 
chamber   music.  The  harpsichord  with  its  bright,  vigorous  tone  was
 the  favorite instrument for supporting the bass of the small orchestra of
the period and for concert use, but the character of the tone could not be
varied save by mechanical or structural devices.
The  piano  was  perfected  in  the  early  eighteenth  century  by  a 
harpsichord  maker  in Italy(though   musicologists  point out  several  
previous   instances  of   the  instrument).  This instrument was called a 
piano e forte (soft and  loud), to indicate  its dynamic versatility;  its
strings were struck by a recoiling hammer with a felt-padded head. The
wires    were much heavier in  the  earlier  instruments.  A  series  of 
mechanical  improvements  continuing  well  into  the nineteenth  century, 
including  the  introduction  of  pedals  to  sustain  tone  or  to  soften
 it,  the perfection of a  metal frame, and steel wire of the finest
quality, finally produced an instrument capable of myriad tonal effects
from   the most delicate harmonies to an almost orchestral fullness
of sound, from a liquid, singing tone to a sharp, percussive brilliance.
钢琴
钢琴的家系可以追溯至 15 至 16 世纪早期的键盘乐器,包括小型拨弦琴、洋琴和维金娜 琴。  17 
世纪时风琴、敲弦琴和拨弦琴成为键盘乐器类的主要成员。  这种至高无上的地位 一直为它们所保持,直到 18 世纪末期钢琴将它们取代。 
敲弦古钢琴的音调有金属的音质, 缺乏雄劲。  然而由于它的音调变化多,许多作曲家发现对于亲切的室内乐是一种得体的乐 器。 
人们最喜欢用具备明快有力音调的拨弦古钢琴来配合当时小型管弦乐团的低音乐器以 及在演奏会上演奏。  但它的音调难以变化,除非使用机械或构件装置。18
世纪早期的意大 利,钢琴在一位拨琴钢琴制造者手中得到完善(尽管音乐理论家们指出有更早的例子)。  这 种乐器被称为 piano eforte
(意大利语,柔和而响亮的),以显示它有力的多样性。  演奏者用 一个头部带皮毡的弹击乐锤敲击琴弦。 更早的这种乐器之上的金属丝要重得多。 从此,持
续到 19 世纪的一系列机械上的改进,包括引入踏板以维持音调或使其柔和,改善金属框架, 以及使用最佳性能的钢丝,最终产生了一种具备无数音调效果的乐器。
 这些效果涵盖了从 最精致的和声到几乎全部的管弦乐音响,从明快流畅的吟唱的音调到尖锐的打击乐器的清晰 动人的恢宏气势。
>25 Movie Music
Accustomed though we are to speaking of the films made before 1927 as
"silent", the film has  never been,  in the full sense of  the word,
silent. From the very beginning,  music was regarded as an indispensable
accompaniment; when the Lumiere films were shown at the first public film
exhibition in the United States in February 1896, they were accompanied by
piano improvisations on popular tunes. At first, the music played bore no
special relationship to the films; an accompaniment of any kind  was
sufficient. Within a  very short time, however,  the incongruity of playing
lively music to a solemn film became apparent, and film pianists began to
take some care in matching their pieces to the mood of the film.
As movie theaters grew in number and importance, a violinist, and perhaps a
cellist, would be added to  the  pianist in certain cases, and in the
larger movie theaters small orchestras were formed. For a number of years
the selection of music for each film program rested entirely in the hands
of the conductor or leader of the orchestra, and very often the principal
qualification for holding such  a position was not skill or taste so much
as the ownership  of  a  large personal library of musical pieces. Since
the conductor seldom saw the films until the night before they were to be
shown (if indeed, the conductor was lucky enough to see them then), the
musical arrangement was normally improvised in the greatest hurry.
To  help meet this difficulty, film distributing companies started the
practice of  publishing suggestions for musical accompaniments. In  1909,
for example, the  Edison Company began issuing with their films such
indications of mood as "pleasant", "sad", "lively". The suggestions became
more explicit, and so emerged the musical cue sheet containing indications
of mood, the titles of suitable pieces of music, and precise directions to
show where one piece led into the next.
Certain films had music especially composed for  them. The most famous of
these  early special scores was that composed and arranged for D. W.
Griffith's film Birth of a Nation, which was released in 1915.
电影插曲
尽管我们习惯于将 1927 年以前的电影称为"无声电影",但是就无声这个词完整的意义
上来说,电影从未真正的无声过,从最初开始音乐就被视为必不可少的伴奏。  当卢米埃尔 的电影在 1896 年 2
月美国首届影片公映展览上放映的时候,影片便用当时的流行曲临场钢 琴伴奏。  最初,这些音乐伴奏与电影没有什么特别的关系,用什么曲子伴奏都行。  但在很
短的时间内,为一部庄重的影片演奏快活的音乐所产生的不协调感变得显而易见,因此钢琴 家们开始注意将自己的作品与影片的情调结合起来。 
随着影剧院在数量上与重要性上的不 断增长,在一些场合,除了钢琴师外,还要加上小提琴师,或许还有一位大提琴师。  较大
的影剧院里还组成了小型的管弦乐队。  在很长的时间内,为各部影片选择配乐完全掌握在
乐队指挥或队长手中,而通常把持这种职位的资格不是技巧或鉴赏品味,而是拥有一个大的 音乐作品的个人收藏。
因为直到电影上映的前一天晚上乐队指挥才能看到影片(如果这个指 挥真正有幸能够看到影片的话),音乐安排通常是在非常匆忙的情况下临场进行的。为了解
决以上的困难,电影发行公司开办了为音乐伴奏印制提示单的业务。 例如 1909 年爱迪生公
司开始将一些诸如"喜悦的"、"悲伤的"、"活泼的"之类表明影片情调特征的提示与影片一起 发行。 
这些提示逐渐变得更加具体,并且出现了包括影片情调说明、适用乐曲名称和乐曲 转换点等内容的配乐说明单。 某些影片拥有专门为其创作的音乐。
这些早期特创乐谱中最 著名的便是为 D. W.  格雷夫斯 1915 年上映的影片《一个国家的诞生》所创作的音乐。
>26     International     Business     and Cross-cultural Communication
The increase in international business and in  foreign  investment has 
created a  need  for executives with  knowledge of foreign  languages and
skills in cross-cultural communication. Americans, however, have not  been
well  trained in either area and, consequently, have  not enjoyed the same
level of success in negotiation in an international arena as have their
foreign counterparts.
Negotiating is the process of communicating back and forth for the purpose
of reaching an agreement. It involves persuasion and compromise, but in
order to participate in either one, the negotiators  must understand  the 
ways  in which  people are persuaded and how compromise  is reached within
the culture of the negotiation.
In many international business negotiations abroad, Americans are perceived
as wealthy and impersonal.  It  often    appears  to  the  foreign 
negotiator  that  the  American  represents  a  large multi-million-dollar
corporation that can afford to pay the price without bargaining further.
The American negotiator's role becomes that of an impersonal purveyor of
information and cash.
In studies of American negotiators abroad, several traits have been
identified that may serve to confirm this stereotypical perception, while
undermining the negotiator's position. Two traits in particular that cause 
cross-cultural misunderstanding are directness and impatience on the part
of  the   American   negotiator.  Furthermore, American   negotiators 
often   insist  on  realizing short-term goals. Foreign negotiators, on the
other hand, may value the relationship established between negotiators and
may be willing to invest time in  it for long-term benefits. In order to
solidify  the  relationship,  they  may  opt  for  indirect  interactions 
without  regard  for  the  time
involved in getting to know the other negotiator.
Clearly,  perceptions and differences  in values affect the  outcomes of
negotiations and the success  of  negotiators. For Americans to play a 
more effective role in  international  business negotiations, they must put
forth more effort to improve cross-cultural understanding.
国际商业和跨文化交流  国际贸易和海外投资的增加产生了对具有外语知识和跨文化交 流技巧的经理的需求。 
然而,美国人在这两方面未得到良好的训练,因此没有在国际谈判 中象他们的外国对手一样成功。 谈判是为了达成协议而反复交流的过程。 它包括说服和妥 协。 
但是为了去进行说服和妥协,谈判者必须懂得在谈判的文化中怎样说服人和怎样达成 妥协。 在国外的国际商务谈判中,美国人被视为富有和不带个人情感。
在外国谈判者看来, 似乎美国人代表着一个庞大的拥有数百万资财的大企业,不用进一步地讨价还价就能出得起 价钱。
美国谈判者的角色变成了一个没有个人感情的信息及现金的供应者。 对在国外的美
国谈判者的研究中,我们找出了损害谈判者能力的几个特点,或许证实这个已成定式的看法。 尤其引起跨文化误解的两个特点是美国谈判者的直截了当和缺乏耐心。 
此外,美国谈判者 经常坚持实现短期目标,而外国的谈判者会珍视建立谈判者之间的联系并愿意为长期利益投 入时间。
为了巩固这种联系,他们会选择非直接的交流而不计较投入用于了解对方的时间。 明显地,价值观的不同和理解上的差异影响了谈判的结果和谈判者的成功与否。 
美国人要 在国际商务谈判中扮演更为有效的角色,他们就必须投入更多的努力提高跨文化的理解力。
>27 Scientific Theories
In science, a theory is a reasonable explanation of observed events that
are related. A theory often involves an imaginary model that helps
scientists picture the way an observed event could be produced. A good
example of this is found in the kinetic molecular theory, in which gases
are pictured as being made up of many small particles that are in constant
motion.
A useful theory, in addition to explaining past observations, helps to
predict events that have not as yet been observed. After a theory has been
publicized, scientists design experiments to test  the theory. If
observations confirm the scientists' predictions,  the theory is 
supported. If observations do not confirm the predictions, the scientists
must search further. There may be a fault in the experiment, or the theory
may have to be revised or rejected.
Science involves imagination and  creative thinking  as well as collecting 
information and performing experiments.    Facts by themselves are not
science. As the mathematician Jules Henri Poincare said,"Science is built
with facts just as a house is built with bricks, but a collection of facts 
cannot  be  called science any more than a pile  of bricks  can  be called 
a house." Most scientists start an investigation by finding out what other
scientists have learned about a particular problem. After known facts have
been gathered, the scientist comes to the part of the investigation that
requires considerable imagination. Possible solutions to the problem are
formulated. These possible solutions are called hypotheses.
In a way, any hypothesis is a leap into the unknown. It extends the
scientist's thinking beyond the known facts. The scientist plans
experiments, performs calculations, and makes observations to test
hypotheses. Without hypothesis, further investigation lacks purpose and
direction. When hypotheses are confirmed, they are incorporated into
theories.
科学理论
在科学中,理论是对所观察到的相关事件的合理解释。 理论通常包含一个虚构的模型,
这个模型帮助科学家构想所观察到的事件是如何发生的。  分子运动理论便是我们能找到的 一个很好的例子。
在这个理论中,气体被描绘成由许多不断运动的小颗粒组成。 一个有用 的理论,除了能够解释过去的观测,还有助于预测那些未被观测到的事件。  一个理论公开
后,科学家们设计实验来检验这个理论。  如果观察证实了科学家的预言,这个理论则得到 了验证。 如果观察不能证实科学家的预言,科学家就必须进一步的研究。
或许是实验存在 错误,或许是这个理论必须被修改或抛弃。  科学家除了收集信息和操作实验外还需要想象 能力和创/造性思维。  事实本身并不是科学。 
正如数学家乔斯·亨利·波恩克尔所说:"科 学建立在事实之上,就像房子用砖砌成一样。  但事实的收集不能被称作科学,就像一堆砖 不能被叫作房子一样。 
"多数科学家通过找出别的科学家在一个特定问题上的所知来开始研 究。在收集了已知事实之后,科学家开始了研究中需要相当想像力的部分。  他们尔后拟订
对这个问题的可行的解决方法。这些可行的解决方式被称为假设。  在某种意义上,任何假
设都是向未知的跳跃。它使科学家的思维超越已知事实。科学家计划实验、计算、观测以检 验假定。若没有假设,进一步的研究便缺乏目的和方向。 
当假设被证实了,就成为理论的 一部分。
>28     Changing     Roles     of     Public Education
One of the  most important social developments that helped to  make
possible a shift  in thinking about the role of public education was the
effect of the baby boom of the 1950's and
1960's on the schools. In the 1920's, but especially in the Depression
conditions of the 1930's, the United States experienced a declining birth
rate -- every thousand women aged fifteen to forty-four gave birth to about
118 live children in 1920,89.2 in 1930,75.8 in 1936, and 80 in
1940. With the growing prosperity brought on by the Second World War and
the economic boom that followed  it young people married  and established 
households earlier and began  to raise larger families than had their 
predecessors during  the Depression. Birth rates rose  to 102 per thousand
in 1946, 106.2 in 1950, and 118 in 1955. Although economics was probably
the most important determinant,  it  is not the only explanation for the
baby boom. The increased value placed on the idea of the family also helps
to explain this rise in birth rates. The baby boomers began streaming into
the first grade by the mid 1940's and became a flood by 1950. The public
school system suddenly found itself overtaxed. While the number of
schoolchildren rose because of wartime and postwar conditions, these same
conditions made the schools even less prepared to cope with the flood. The
wartime economy meant that few new schools were built between 1940 and 
1945. Moreover, during the war and in  the  boom times that followed, large
numbers of teachers left their profession for better-paying jobs elsewhere
in the economy.
Therefore in the 1950's and 1960's, the baby boom hit an antiquated and
inadequate school system. Consequently, the "custodial rhetoric"of the
1930's and early 1940's no longer made sense that is, keeping youths aged
sixteen and older out of the labor market by keeping them in school could
no  longer  be a  high priority for  an  institution unable  to find space
and staff  to teach younger children aged five to sixteen. With the baby
boom, the focus of educators and of laymen interested  in  education 
inevitably turned toward  the lower grades and back to  basic academic
skills and discipline. The system no longer had much interest in offering
nontraditional, new, and extra    services to older youths.
公共教育的角色变化 一项重要的、有可能促使人们对公共教育的角色的看法发生转变的社会发展是本世纪五
六十年代的生育高峰对学校的影响。  在 20 年代,尤其是在 30 年代后的大萧条中,美国经 历了一次出生率的下降--1920 年每千名年龄在 15
岁至 45 岁的妇女生下大约 118 个存活婴儿,
1930 年 89.2 个,1936 年 75.8 个,1940 年 80 个。  随着二战带来的持续繁荣以及随之而来
的经济增长,年轻人比大萧条中的同龄人更早地结婚成家,而且比前辈养育更大的家庭。
1946 年出生率上升到 102%,1950 年达 106%,1955 年达 118%。  对于生育高峰,经济有可
能是最重要的决定因素,但它并不是唯一的解释。  不断受到重视的家庭观念也有助于解释 出生率的上升。 到 40
年代中期为止,这些生育高峰出生的孩子们开始源源不断地进入小学 一年级。  到了 1950 年,就形成了一股洪流。  公共教育系统突然感到不堪重负了。 
由于战 时和战后的状况,使得学龄儿童人数增加,这些状况使得学校面对这股洪流更加措手不及。 战时经济意味着在 1940 年到 1950
年间几乎没有建立新学校。  而且,在战时和随后的经济 增长时期,大量的教师离开岗位去别处从事报酬更为优厚的工作。  因此,在五六十年代,
生育高峰冲击着陈旧而不完备的学校体系。  这样一来,30 年代以及 40 年代早期,"监护理 论"就不再有意义了。  也就是说,通过使 16
岁以上的年轻人留在学校不进入劳动力市场的 做法再也不是教育机构的优先考虑了。  因为教育机构不再能找到场地和教师来教育那些更 小的 5-16
岁的孩子。  随着生育高峰,教育者和圈外人士对教育的兴趣和焦点,不可避免地 转向了更低的年级和基础的学术技能和学科上。 
这个系统不再有浓厚的兴趣给较年长的年 轻人提供非传统的新式的和额外的服务。
>29 Telecommuting
Telecommuting -- substituting  the  computer for the trip to the job -- has
been  hailed as a solution to all kinds of problems related to office work.
For workers it promises freedom from the office, less time wasted in
traffic, and help with child-care conflicts. For  management, telecommuting
helps keep high  performers on board, minimizes tardiness and absenteeism
by eliminating  commutes, allows periods of solitude for high-concentration
tasks, and provides scheduling flexibility.
In some areas, such as Southern California and Seattle, Washington, local
governments are encouraging companies to start telecommuting programs in
order to reduce rush-hour congestion and improve air quality.
But these  benefits do not come easily. Making a  telecommuting  program
work requires careful planning  and an understanding  of the differences 
between telecommuting realities and popular images.
Many  workers  are  seduced  by  rosy  illusions  of  life  as  a 
telecommuter.  A  computer programmer from New  York City moves to the
tranquil Adirondack Mountains and stays in contact with  her office  via
computer. A manager comes in to his  office three days a week  and works at
home the other two. An accountant stays home to care for her sick child; 
she hooks up her telephone modem connections and does office work between
calls to the doctor.
These  are  powerful  images,  but  they  are  a  limited  reflection  of 
reality.  Telecommuting workers soon learn that it is almost impossible to
concentrate on work and care for a young child
at the same time. Before a certain age, young children cannot recognize,
much less respect, the necessary  boundaries between  work and family. 
Additional child support is necessary if the parent is to get any work
done.
Management too must separate the myth from the reality. Although the media
has paid a great deal  of  attention  to    telecommuting  in  most  cases 
it  is  the  employee's  situation,  not  the availability of technology
that precipitates a telecommuting arrangement.
That  is partly why, despite the widespread press coverage, the  number of
companies with work-at-home programs or policy guidelines remains small.
电子交通
电子交通--用电脑取代上班的往返--作为对各种各样的办公室工作问题的解决办法已受 到了欢迎。 
对工作者来说,它承诺不受办公室的约束,更少的时间浪费在交通上和有助于 解决照看小孩的矛盾。 
对管理者来说,电子交通有助于挽留高效率的工作者,通过省去办 公室与家之间的来回往返,大大减少工作拖拉和旷工,给予管理者独处的时间来完成需要高
度集中精神的任务,为管理者提供灵活的时间安排。  在一些地区,如南加利福尼亚和西雅
图、华盛顿,地方政府鼓励公司开始电子交通计划以减少交通高峰时的塞车和提高空气质量。 但这些益处也来之不易。 
要使电子交通成功需要仔细的计划并且理解电子交通的现实状况 和流行的想象之间的区别。 许多工作者被电子交通的美好幻想所迷惑。 一位电脑程序设计
员从纽约市搬到了宁静的阿第伦达克山,用电脑保持与她办公室之间的联系。  一位经理一
周三天到办公室,其他两天在家工作;一位会计师在家照顾她生病的孩子,接通电话调制解 调器的接头,在同医生通话之余完成办公室工作。 
这些是很有震撼力的情景,但也是对现 实有限的反映。 电子交通者很快发现在同一时间专注工作和照看小孩几乎是不可能的。 在
某个年龄之前,小孩子不可能意识到,更不可能尊重工作与家庭之间的界限。  如果家长要 完成工作,就必须另外照看小孩。 管理阶层必须把现实同神话分开。
虽然传媒对电子交通 投入了极大的关注,但在很大程度上,是员工的实际情况而不是技术的可能性促成电子交通 的安排。 
这就是为什么尽管有广泛的报导,具有在家工作项目或行动纲领的公司数目依然 很少的部分原因。
>30 The Origin of Refrigerators
By the mid-nineteenth century, the term"icebox"had entered the American
language, but ice was still only beginning to affect the diet of ordinary
citizens in the United States. The ice trade grew with the growth of 
cities. Ice was used  in hotels, taverns,  and hospitals, and  by some
forward-looking   city  dealers  in  fresh   meat,     fresh  fish,  and  
butter.   After  the  Civil   War
(1861-1865), as ice was used to refrigerate freight cars, it also came into
household use. Even before 1880, half the ice sold in New York,
Philadelphia, and Baltimore, and one-third of that sold in Boston and
Chicago, went to families for their own use. This had become possible
because a new household convenience,  the icebox,  a precursor of  the
modern refrigerator, had  been invented.
Making an efficient icebox was not as easy as we might now suppose. In the
early nineteenth century, the knowledge of the physics of heat, which was
essential to a science of refrigeration, was rudimentary. The commonsense
notion that the best icebox was one that prevented the ice from melting was
of course mistaken, for it was the melting of the ice that performed the
cooling. Nevertheless, early efforts to economize ice included wrapping the
ice in blankets, which kept
the ice from doing its job. Not until near the end of the nineteenth
century did inventors achieve the delicate balance of insulation and
circulation needed for an efficient icebox.
But as early as 1803, an ingenious Maryland farmer, Thomas Moore, had been
on the right track. He owned a farm about twenty miles outside the city of
Washington, for which the village of Georgetown was the market center. When 
he used an icebox of his own design to transport his butter to market, he
found that customers would pass up the rapidly melting stuff in the tubs of
his competitors to pay a premium price for his butter, still fresh and hard
in neat, one-pound bricks. One advantage of his icebox, more explained, was
that farmers would no longer have to travel to market at night in order to
keep their produce cool.
冰箱的由来
直到 19 世纪中期,"冰箱"这个名词才进入了美国语言,但冰仅仅只是开始影响美国普 通市民的饮食。  冰的买卖随着城市的发展而发展。 
冰被用在旅馆、酒馆、医院以及被一些 有眼光的城市商人用于肉、鱼和黄油的保鲜。  内战(1861-1865)之后,冰被用于冷藏货车, 同时也进入了民用。
 甚至在 1880 年前,半数在纽约、费城和巴尔的摩销售的冰,三分之一
在波士顿和芝加哥销售的冰进入家庭使用,因为一种新的家庭设备,冰箱,即现代冰箱的前 身,被发明了。  制造一台有效率的冰箱不像我们想象的那么简单。 
19  世纪早期,关于对 冷藏科学至关重要的热物理知识是很浅陋的。  认为最好的冰箱应该防止冰的融化这样一个
普遍的观点显然是错误的,因为正是冰的融化起了制冷作用。  早期为节省冰的努力,包括 用毯子把冰包起来,使得冰不能发挥它的作用。 直到近 19
世纪末,发明家们才成功地找到 有效率的冰箱所需要的精确的隔热和循环的精确平衡。 但早在 1803 年,一位有发明天才的
马里兰农场主,托马斯·莫尔,找到了正确方法。  他拥有一个农场,离华盛顿约 20 英里, 那里的乔治镇村庄是集市中心。 
当他用自己设计的冰箱运送黄油去市场时,他发现顾客们 会走过装在竞争者桶里那些迅速融化的黄油而给他比市价更高的价格买他仍然新鲜坚硬,整
齐地切成一磅一块的黄油。  莫尔说他的冰箱的一个好处是使得农民们不必在夜里上路去市 场以保持他们产品的低温。
>31 British Columbia
British  Columbia is the third  largest Canadian province,  both in  area
and  population. It is nearly 1.5  times as large as Texas, and  extends
800 miles (1,280km) north  from the United States border. It includes
Canada's entire west coast and the islands just off the coast.
Most of British Columbia is mountainous, with long rugged ranges running
north and south. Even the coastal islands are the remains of a mountain
range that existed thousands of years ago. During the last Ice Age, this
range was scoured by glaciers until most of it was beneath the sea. Its
peaks now show as islands scattered along the coast.
The southwestern  coastal region has a  humid  mild marine climate. Sea
winds that  blow inland from the west are warmed by a current  of warm
water that flows through the Pacific Ocean. As a result, winter
temperatures average above freezing and summers are mild. These warm
western winds also carry moisture from the ocean.
Inland from the coast, the winds from the Pacific meet the mountain
barriers of the coastal ranges and the Rocky Mountains. As they rise to
cross the mountains, the winds are cooled, and their moisture begins to
fall as rain. On some of the western slopes almost 200 inches (500cm) of
rain fall each year.
More than half of British  Columbia is heavily forested. On mountain slopes
that receive plentiful rainfall, huge Douglas firs rise in towering
columns. These forest giants often grow to be as much as 300 feet (90m)
tall, with diameters up to 10 feet (3m). More lumber is produced from these
trees than from any other kind of tree in North America. Hemlock, red
cedar, and balsam fir are among the other trees found in British Columbia.
英属哥伦比亚
英属哥伦比亚是加拿大的第三大省,无论是面积还是人口都是如此。  它几乎是德克萨 斯的 1.5 倍,从美国边境一直向北延伸了 800 英里(1,280
公里)。  它包括了加拿大整个西 海岸及附近岛屿。  大部分英属哥伦比亚多山峦。  绵长而粗犷的山脉贯通南北。  甚至那些
沿海的岛屿都是那些存在于千万年前的山脉的遗迹。  在上一个冰河时期,这些山脉被冰河 冲刷侵蚀,直到大部分山脉被淹没在海中。
它们的峰顶显现为沿着海岸散布的岛屿。 西南 海岸地区有着潮湿温和的海洋性气候。  从太平洋来的温暖的洋流使得从西吹过内陆的海风 变得温暖。
因此这儿冬天平均气温在零上而且夏天也不会酷热。 这些温暖的西风同样也从 海洋带来了湿气。 
来自太平洋的、从海岸向内陆的风遇到海岸山脉和落基山脉这些山脉屏 障。  当气流升高跨越这些山脉时,风的温度就降低了,风中的水分形成降雨。  在一些朝西
山坡区域每年大约有 200 英寸(500 厘米)的降水。  大部分英属哥伦比亚密布着森林。  在有 充足降水的斜坡,巨大的道格拉斯枞树高耸入云。
这些森林巨人常常长到高达 300 英尺(90 米),直径粗达 10 英尺(3 米)。  这些树产出了比北美其他任何树都多的木材。  铁杉、红香
椿、香脂冷杉枞都是发现于英属哥伦比亚的其它树种。
>32 Botany
Botany, the study of plants, occupies a peculiar position in the history of
human knowledge. For  many  thousands  of    years  it  was  the  one 
field  of  awareness  about  which  humans  had anything more than the
vaguest of insights. It is impossible to know today just what our Stone Age
ancestors knew about plants, but from what we can observe of preindustrial
societies that still exist a detailed  learning  of plants and their 
properties  must be  extremely ancient. This is logical. Plants are the
basis of the food pyramid for all living things even for other plants. They
have always been enormously important to the welfare of people not only for
food, but also for clothing, weapons, tools, dyes, medicines, shelter, and
a great many other purposes. Tribes living today in  the  jungles of the
Amazon recognize  literally hundreds of plants and know many properties of
each. To them, botany, as such, has  no name and is probably not even
recognized as a special branch of "knowledge"at all.
Unfortunately, the more industrialized we become the farther away we  move
from direct contact with plants, and the less distinct our knowledge of
botany grows. Yet everyone comes unconsciously  on  an  amazing  amount  of
 botanical knowledge,  and  few  people  will  fail  to recognize a rose,
an apple, or an orchid. When our Neolithic ancestors, living in the Middle
East about 10, 000 years ago,  discovered that  certain grasses could  be
harvested and their seeds planted for richer yields  the next season the
first  great step in  a new association of plants and humans was taken.
Grains were discovered and  from them flowed the marvel of agriculture:
cultivated crops. From then on, humans would increasingly take their living
from the controlled production of a few plants, rather than getting a 
little here and a little there from many varieties that grew wild - and the
accumulated knowledge of tens of thousands of years of experience and
intimacy with plants in the wild would begin to fade away.
植物学
植物学,即对植物的研究,在人类知识的历史中占据了特殊的地位。  这是人类几千年 来超越模糊的认知而真正有所了解的领域之一。 
我们今天不可能知道新石器时代的祖先们 对植物到底了解多少,但我们在至今仍存在的前工业化社会观察到:人类对植物及其特性的 详细了解应该是非常古老的。
这是理所当然的。 植物是其他生物甚至其他植物食物金字塔 的基础。  它们对人们的生活至关重要,不仅在食物上,而且在衣物、武器、工具、染料、
药物、住所和许许多多其他的用途上。  至今仍生活在亚马逊河丛林中的部落确实能够辨识 几百种植物并知道每一种的许多特性。 
对他们来说,植物学没有专门的名称,甚至可能根 本未被认为是一种专门知识。  不幸的是,工业化的程度越高,我们距直接与植物接触就越
远,我们的植物学知识的增加也就越微不足道。  然而每个人在不知不觉中拥有大量的植物 学知识,很少有人认不出玫瑰、苹果或兰花。 
大约一万年前居住在中东的新时代的祖先们 发现某些草能被收获,它们的种子下一季耕种会收获更多时,人类就迈出了人和植物之间的 新关系第一大步。
谷子被发现后,农业的奇迹从此诞生:这就是可栽培的谷物。 从那时起, 人类越来越依赖少数可控制的作物生存,而不再是从众多的野生种类中这里获取一点,那里
获取一点。  这样在千万年中对于野生植物的经验和密切联系中积累起来的知识就开始消失 了。
>33 Plankton
Scattered through the seas of the world are billions of tons of small
plants and animals called plankton. Most of these plants and animals are
too small for the human eye to see. They drift about lazily with the
currents, providing a basic food for many larger animals.
Plankton has been described as the equivalent  of the grasses that  grow on
 the  dry land continents, and the comparison is an appropriate one. In
potential food value, however, plankton far outweighs that of the land 
grasses. One scientist has estimated that while grasses of the world
produce about 49 billion tons of valuable carbohydrates each year, the
sea's plankton generates more than twice as much.
Despite its enormous food potential, little effect was made until recently
to farm plankton as we farm grasses on land. Now  marine scientists have at
last  begun  to study  this possibility, especially as the sea's resources
loom even more important as a means of feeding an expanding world
population.
No one yet has seriously suggested that "planktonburgers" may soon become
popular around the  world.  As  a  possible  farmed  supplementary  food 
source,  however,  plankton  is  gaining considerable interest among marine
scientists.
One type of  plankton that seems to have  great harvest possibilities is a
tiny shrimplike creature called krill. Growing to two or three inches long,
krill provide the major food for the great blue whale, the largest animal
ever inhabit the Earth. Realizing that this whale may grow to
100 feet and weigh 150 tons at maturity, it is not surprising that each one
devours more than one ton of krill daily.
浮游生物  数十亿吨的被称为"浮游生物"的小动物、植物散布在世界的海洋中。 这些小 的动、植物大多太小而难以被人眼看到。 
它们随波逐流,为许多较大的动物提供了基本的 食物。 浮游生物曾被描述为生长在大陆陆地上的各种草类的海洋对应物。 这种比喻是恰当
的。  然而就潜在的食物价值而言,浮游生物远胜于草类。  一位科学家曾经估计,世界上的 草类每年生产大约 490
亿吨有用的碳水化合物,而海洋里的浮游生物每年生产的碳水化合物 多于此数的两倍。  尽管浮游生物具备巨大的食物潜能,但直到最近人们还很少象种植草类
那样付出努力养殖浮游生物。 现在,海洋科学家们至少已开始研究这种可能性。 全球人口 不断扩张,海洋资源作为食品的重要性日益突出。 
现在还没有人认真说过"浮游生物汉堡" 会很快在世界上流行起来。  然而,作为一种可能养殖的补充性食物资源,浮游生物正引起 了海洋科学家们相当大的兴趣。
 一种似乎具有很大收获可能性的微小的虾状浮游生物被称 为鳞虾。 鳞虾长至 2~3 英寸长时即成为地球上曾居住过的最大动物--蓝鲸的主要食物。 成
熟的蓝鲸可以达到 100 英尺长,150 吨重,所以每头鲸每天吞食 1 吨多的鳞虾一点也不让人 吃惊。
>34 Raising Oysters
In the past oysters were raised in much the same way as dirt farmers raised
tomatoes - by transplanting them.    First, farmers selected the oyster
bed, cleared the bottom of old shells and other debris, then scattered
clean shells about. Next, they "planted" fertilized oyster eggs, which
within two or three weeks hatched into larvae. The larvae drifted until
they attached themselves to the clean shells on the bottom. There they
remained and in time grew into baby oysters called seed or spat. The spat
grew larger by drawing in seawater from which they derived microscopic
particles  of food. Before  long, farmers gathered  the  baby oysters,
transplanted  them in  other waters to speed up their growth, then
transplanted them once more into another body of water to fatten them up.
Until recently the supply of wild oysters and those crudely farmed were
more than enough to satisfy people's needs.
But  today the delectable seafood is  no longer available in abundance. The
 problem has become so serious that some oyster beds have vanished
entirely.
Fortunately, as far back as the early 1900's marine biologists realized
that if new measures were  not  taken, oysters  would  become  extinct  or 
at  best  a  luxury  food.  So  they  set  up well-equipped hatcheries and
went to work. But they did not have the proper equipment or the skill to
handle the eggs. They did not know when, what, and how to feed the larvae.
And they knew little about the predators that attack and eat baby oysters
by the millions. They failed, but they doggedly kept at it. Finally, in the
1940's a significant breakthrough was made.
The marine biologists discovered that  by raising the  temperature of the
water,  they could induce oysters to spawn not only in the summer but also
in the fall, winter, and spring. Later they developed a technique for
feeding the larvae and rearing them to spat. Going still further, they
succeeded in breeding new strains that were resistant to diseases, grew
faster and larger, and flourished  in  water of different salinities and
temperatures. In addition, the  cultivated oysters tasted better!
饲养牡蛎
过去人们饲养牡蛎的方式很大程度上类似于田地里的农夫种植蕃茄--通过移植来饲养 它们。
首先,农夫选好牡蛎苗床,清除底部的旧壳和其它杂物,然后四处撒播干净的壳。 接 着,他们"栽种"已受精的牡蛎卵。  这些卵在 2~3 周内会孵化成幼贝。
 幼贝一直漂流直到 粘在苗床底部干净的壳上为止。 它们会呆在那儿并逐渐长成小牡蛎。 我们称之为种子或贝
苗。 贝苗吸进海水中的微小生物作为食物从而越长越大。 不久之后,农夫将这些小牡蛎收
集起来,把它们移种进其他的水域加快其生长,然后再次将它们移种进另外的水域以使其肥 壮起来。 直到最近,野生的以及人工饲养的牡蛎完全能够满足人们的需要。
但是今天这种 可口的海味已不再大量存在。这个问题已经变得如此严重以至于一些牡蛎苗床已完全消失。 幸运的是,早在 20
世纪初期海洋生物学家们就意识到如果不采取新的措施,牡蛎将会灭绝 或至少会变为一种奢侈的食品。 因此他们建造了装备良好的孵卵场所并开始工作。 但是他
们尚没有适当的装置或技术来处理牡蛎卵。他们不知道何时、用什么以及如何喂养幼贝。他 们对捕食数百万幼小牡蛎的动物天敌也所知无几。
他们失败了,但他们顽强地坚持了下来。 终于,在 20 世纪 40 年代,一个重要的突破性的进展产生了。  海洋生物学家发现,升高水
温能够诱导牡蛎不仅在夏季也在秋季、冬季和春季里产卵。  后来他们发展了一项技术来喂 养幼贝至其长成贝苗。 
他们进一步成功地培养出了新的品种,可以抵抗疾病、长得更快、 更大并且在不同的盐度和温度的水中都能茁壮生长。  此外,这些培殖出的牡蛎口感更佳!
>35 Oil Refining
An important new industry, oil refining, grew after the Civil War. Crude
oil, or petroleum -- a dark, thick ooze from the earth -- had been known
for hundreds of years, but little use had ever been made of it. In the
1850's Samuel M. Kier, a manufacturer in western Pennsylvania, began
collecting the oil from local seepages and refining it into kerosene.
Refining, like smelting, is a process of removing impurities from a raw
material.
Kerosene  was  used  to  light  lamps.  It  was  a  cheap  substitute  for 
whale  oil,  which  was becoming harder to get. Soon there was a large
demand for kerosene. People began to search for new supplies of petroleum.
The first oil well was drilled by E. L. Drake, a retired railroad
conductor. In 1859 he began drilling in Titusville, Pennsylvania. The whole
venture seemed so impractical and foolish that onlookers called it "Drake's 
Folly". But when  he  had drilled down about 70 feet (21  meters), Drake
struck oil. His well began to yield 20 barrels of crude oil a day.
News of Drake's success brought oil prospectors to the scene. By the early
1860's these wildcatters were drilling for "black gold" all over western
Pennsylvania. The boom rivaled the California  gold rush  of 1848 in  its 
excitement and Wild West atmosphere.  And  it brought far more wealth to
the prospectors than any gold rush.
Crude oil could be refined into many products. For some years kerosene
continued to be the principal one. It was sold in grocery stores and
door-to-door. In the 1880's refiners learned how to make other petroleum
products such as waxes and lubricating oils. Petroleum was not then used to
make gasoline or heating oil.
炼油
一种重要的新兴工业--炼油业在国内战争后成长起来。 未加工的石油,或原油--一种深 色的地下的稠浆--数百年来一直为大众所知,但是人们却很少使用过它。
 在十九世纪五十 年代,萨缪尔·M·科尔,宾西法尼亚西部的一位制造商,开始从当地的溢出物中收集石油
并将它炼成煤油。与冶炼矿石一样,石油提炼是一个从未加工的原料中除去杂质的过程。煤 油被用来点灯。
它是鲸油的一种便宜的替代品,而鲸油正变得越来越难以获得。 不久就产 生了对煤油的大量需求。  人们开始寻找新的石油供应。  第一口油井为
E·L·瑞克,一个 退休的火车检票员所钻得。  1859  年他开始在宾西法尼亚的泰特斯维尔钻井。  整个的这项
冒险事业看起来是如此不现实和愚蠢以致旁观者称之为"鸭子的蠢行"。  (译者注:Drake's Folly, drake
在这里意含双关,即指瑞克的名字,又指该词的本义即鸭子。  )但当瑞克往下钻 至 70 英尺(21 米)的时候,他发现了石油。  他的油井从此每天生产
20 桶原油。  瑞克成功的 消息将石油勘探者们吸引到现场。 截止到 19 世纪 60 年代早期,这些冒险者为寻找"黑色的
金子"钻探遍了整个宾西法尼亚西部。  这项繁荣的事业在刺激性和粗犷的西部气氛上可与
1848 年的加州淘金热相媲美,而且它为勘探者带来了远超过淘金潮的财富。  原油能被提炼 成许多产品。 多年以来煤油一直是主要的一种产品。
它在杂货店中出售由人挨户推销。  19 世纪八十九十年代炼油者们懂得了生产其它石油产品,如蜡和润滑油。  那时石油还没有被
用来制造汽油或采暖装置用油。
>36   Plate   Tectonics   and   Sea-floor Spreading
The theory of plate tectonics describes the motions of the lithosphere, the
comparatively rigid outer layer of the Earth  that includes all the  crust 
and  part  of the underlying  mantle. The lithosphere is divided into a few
dozen plates of various sizes and shapes, in general the plates are in
motion with respect to one another. A mid-ocean    ridge is a boundary
between plates where new lithospheric material is injected from belows. As
the plates diverge from a mid-ocean ridge they slide on a more yielding
layer at the base of the lithosphere.
Since  the size of the Earth is essentially constant, new lithosphere can
be created  at the mid-ocean ridges only if an equal amount of lithospheric
material is consumed elsewhere. The site of this destruction is another
kind of plate boundary: a subduction zone. There one plate dives under the
edge of another and is reincorporated into the mantle. Both kinds of plate
boundary are associated with fault systems, earthquakes and  volcanism, but
the kinds  of geologic activity observed at the two boundaries are quite
different.
The idea of sea-floor spreading actually preceded the theory of plate
tectonics. In its original version, in the  early 1960's, it described the
creation and destruction of the ocean floor, but it did not specify rigid 
lithospheric plates. The hypothesis was substantiated soon afterward by the
discovery that periodic reversals of the Earth's magnetic field are
recorded in the oceanic crust. As  magma  rises  under  the  mid-ocean 
ridge,    ferromagnetic  minerals  in  the  magma  become magnetized in the
direction of the geomagnetic field. When the magma cools and solidifies,
the direction and the polarity of the field are preserved in the magnetized
volcanic rock. Reversals of the field give rise to a series of magnetic
stripes running parallel to the axis of the rift. The oceanic crust thus
serves as a magnetic tape recording of the history of the geomagnetic field
that can be dated independently; the width of the stripes indicates the
rate of the sea-floor spreading.
板块结构与海床扩展
板块结构理论描述岩石圈的运动。  岩石圈是相对坚硬的地球外层,包括全部地壳和部 分地幔。 
岩石圈被划分为几十个大小不同形状各异的板块,一般而言这些板块都处于相对 运动之中。 一道中海脊是板块之间的边界,在那里新的岩石圈的物质从下部注入。
当板块 从中海脊脱离时,它们滑向在岩石圈基部较易变形的地层上。  因为地球的大小本质上是不
变的,只有同等数量的岩石圈物质在其它地方被吞没,新的岩石圈才能生成。  销毁旧岩石
圈的地方形成另外一种板块边界:一块潜没的区域。  在这里,一块板块潜没到另一板块的 边缘之下并结合入地幔之中。 
两种板块边界均与地层系统、地震以及火山活动有关,但在 两种边界处观察到的诸般地质活动却迥然不同。 海床扩展说实际上早于板块结构理论。 在
20 世纪 60 年代它的理论雏形中,描述了海底的生成和毁灭,但没有详细介绍坚硬的岩石圈 板块。 这个假定不久之后为发现所证实。
该发现表明地球磁场周期性的逆转被记录在海洋 地壳中。 当岩浆从中海脊下涌起的时候,岩浆中的磁铁矿物质按地磁场的方向被磁化。 岩
浆冷却并凝固下来后,地磁场的方向和磁极被保留在磁化了的火山岩中。  磁场的逆转形成 一系列与断层轴线平行的条形磁区。 
这样海洋壳就扮演了磁带的角色,记录下可以鉴定时 间的地磁场的历史。  条形磁区的宽度表明了海底扩展的速度。
>37 Icebergs
Icebergs are among nature's most spectacular creations, and yet most people
have never seen one. A vague air of mystery envelops them. They come into
being -- somewhere -- in faraway, frigid waters, amid thunderous noise and 
splashing turbulence, which in most case no one hears or sees. They exist
only a short time and then slowly waste away just as unnoticed.
Objects of sheerest beauty they have been called. Appearing in an endless
variety of shapes, they may be dazzlingly white, or  they may be  glassy
blue,  green or purple, tinted faintly or  in darker hues. They are
graceful, stately, inspiring -- in calm, sunlight seas.
But they are also called frightening and dangerous, and that they are -- in
the night, in the fog, and in storms. Even in clear weather one is wise to
stay a safe distance away from them. Most of their bulk is hidden below the 
water, so their underwater parts may extend out far beyond the visible top. 
 Also, they may roll over unexpectedly, churning the waters around them.
Icebergs are parts of glaciers that break off, drift into the water, float
about awhile, and finally melt. Icebergs afloat today are made of
snowflakes that have fallen over long ages of time. They embody snows that 
drifted down hundreds,  or  many thousands,  or in some cases maybe a
million years ago. The snows fell in polar regions and on cold  mountains,
where they melted only a little or not at all, and so collected to great
depths over the years and centuries.
As each year's snow accumulation lay on  the  surface, evaporation  and 
melting caused  the snowflakes slowly to lose their feathery points and
become tiny grains of ice. When new snow fell on top of the old, it too
turned to icy grains. So blankets of snow and ice grains mounted layer upon
layer and were of such great thickness that the weight of the upper layers
compressed the  lower ones. With time and  pressure from above, the many
small ice  grains joined and changed to larger crystals, and eventually the
deeper crystals merged into a solid mass of ice.
冰山 冰山是大自然最壮观的创造之一,但大多数人却从未看到过冰山,一种朦胧神秘的气氛
笼罩着它们。  冰山形成于久远的、寒冷的水体中,而且伴随着雷声轰鸣般的嘈杂和水花汹
涌的风暴,但却无人耳闻目睹。冰山仅存在短短的一段时间就慢慢地悄无声息地融化掉。冰 山具有最纯粹的美,人们如是说。 
冰山呈现出千姿百态,可能白得耀眼,或者是闪耀着蓝 色、绿色或紫色的玻璃般的光芒,或浓或淡。  它们在平静的阳光照耀的海水中显得优雅堂
皇,令人浮想联翩。  但是人们亦把冰山称为恐怖的和危险的。  它们的确如此--在夜间,雾 天和风暴肆虐时。
即便是在晴朗的天气里,与它们保持一段安全距离也是明智的。 冰山的 大部分体积稳藏于水下,因此其水下部分的伸展远远超过可见的顶部。  冰山也可能出人意
料地翻滚,剧烈地搅动周围的水体。  冰山是冰川的一部分,从冰川断裂漂流进水中,一段 时间后融化。  今天的冰山由多年前降落的雪花形成。 
它们的体内是数百年,或数千年,有 时甚至是数百万年前的降雪。  这些雪花落在极地或寒冷的山上,仅有少量融化或根本不融
化,这样经过许多年或许多世纪后积累了巨大的深度。  由于每年的雪花积累在表面之上, 蒸发和融化使得雪花慢慢失去其羽状尖端而变成微小的冰粒。 
当新的雪花降落到旧的表面 上,也变成了冰粒。  因而雪花覆盖层和冰粒层层堆积起来直到如此之大的厚度以致较上层 的重量压缩较下层。 
在时间和压力的作用下,许多小冰粒结合到一起变成更大的晶体,最 终较底层的晶体合并成庞大而坚固的冰块。
>38 Topaz
Topaz is a hard, transparent mineral. It is a compound of aluminum, silica,
and fluorine. Gem topaz is  valuable. Jewelers call this  variety  of the 
stone "precious topaz". The best-known precious topaz gems range in color
from rich yellow to light brown or pinkish red. Topaz is one of the hardest
gem minerals. In the mineral table of hardness, it has a rating of 8, which
means that a knife cannot cut it, and that topaz will scratch quartz.
The golden variety of precious topaz is quite uncommon. Most of the world's
topaz is white or blue. The white and blue crystals of topaz are large,
often weighing thousands of carats. For this reason, the value of topaz
does not depend so much on its size as it does with diamonds and many other
precious stones, where the  value increases about four times with each
doubling of weight. The value of a topaz is largely determined by its
quality. But color is also important: blue topaz, for instance, is often
irradiated to deepen and improve its color.
Blue topaz is often sold as aquamarine and a variety of brown quartz is
widely sold as topaz. The quartz is much less brilliant and more plentiful
than true topaz. Most of it is a variety of amethyst: that heat has turned
brown.
黄水晶
黄水晶是一种坚硬、透明的矿物质。 它是铝、硅和氟的化合物。 黄水晶宝石价值不菲。 珠宝商把这种石头称为"黄玉"。
最出名的黄玉有各种颜色如深黄色、淡棕色、浅红色等。 黄 水晶是最坚硬的宝石矿中的一种。  在矿石硬度表上,它的硬度为  8,这表明刀子不能割开
它而它可在石英上划痕。 金黄色的黄玉品种非常罕见。 世界上大多数的黄水晶是白色或蓝 色的。  这些白色或蓝色的黄水晶晶体很大,常常有数千克拉重。 
由于这个原因,黄水晶的 价值不像钻石和许多其它宝石那样主要依赖于其大小,重量翻一番价值即上升约四倍。  黄
水晶的价值很大程度上取决于其品质,但颜色也很重要。  举例来说,蓝色的黄水晶常需放 射处理以加深和改善其颜色。 
蓝色的黄水晶常被作为海蓝宝石出售,许多种棕色石英被当 作黄水晶广为贩卖。 石英光亮度远小于黄水晶,矿藏储量也远较黄水晶丰富。 大多数石英
是一种紫水晶,高温使其变为棕色。
>39 The Salinity of Ocean Waters
If the salinity of ocean waters is analyzed, it is found to vary only
slightly from place to place. Nevertheless, some of these small changes are
important. There are three basic processes that
cause a change in oceanic salinity.
One of these is the subtraction of water from the ocean by means of
evaporation - conversion of liquid water to water vapor. In this manner the
salinity is increased, since the salts stay behind. If this is carried to
the extreme, of course, white crystals of salt would be left behind.
The  opposite  of evaporation is  precipitation, such  as rain, by which
water is  added to  the ocean. Here the ocean is being diluted so that the
salinity is decreased. This may occur in areas of high  rainfall  or  in 
coastal  regions    where  rivers  flow  into  the  ocean.  Thus  salinity 
may  be increased by the subtraction of water by evaporation, or decreased
by the addition of fresh water by precipitation or runoff.
Normally, in tropical regions where the sun is very strong, the ocean
salinity is somewhat higher than it is in other parts of the world where
there is not as much evaporation. Similarly, in coastal regions where
rivers dilute the  sea, salinity is somewhat lower than in  other oceanic
areas.
A third process by which salinity may be altered is associated with the
formation and melting of sea ice. When sea water is frozen, the dissolved
materials are left behind. In this manner, sea water directly beneath
freshly formed sea ice  has  a  higher salinity than it did before the  ice
appeared. Of course, when this ice melts, it will tend to decrease the
salinity of the surrounding water. In the Weddell Sea Antarctica, the
densest water in the oceans is formed as a result of this freezing process, 
which increases the salinity of cold water. This heavy water sinks and is
found in the deeper portions of the oceans of the world.
海水盐度 如果我们分析海水的盐度,会发现地区间只有轻微的变化,然而有些小的变化是重要的。
导致海洋的盐度变化的基本过程有三个,其中之一是通过蒸发的方式即把液态水转化为水蒸 气来减少海洋中的水分。  这样由于盐留了下来,所以盐度增大。 
当然,如果这种方式走向 极端,将会余下白色的盐晶体。  与蒸发相反的是降水,如降雨,由此水被加入海中,海水 被稀释,从而盐度降低。 
这种情形会发生在大量降雨的地区,或江河入海岸处。  因此,盐 度通过蒸发减少水分而上升或通过降水或径流增加淡水成分而下降。  一般来说,在阳光很
强烈的热带地区,海水的盐度略高于世界上其它没有热带那样多的蒸发的地区。  同理,在 江河稀释海水的海岸地带,海水盐度略低于其它海区。 
第三个可以变更盐度的过程与海洋 中冰的形成和融化有关。  海水冻结时,溶于其中的物质被留了下来。  这样,在新形成的海
水冰面的正下方的海水比在冰形成之前有更高的盐度。  当然,当冰融化的时候,会降低周 围水中的盐度。 
在南极洲边缘的威德尔海中,结冰过程增加低温海水的盐度,从而形成了 浓度最大的海水。  这些大密度的海水下沉,可以在世界海洋的深水域发现。

>40 Cohesion-tension Theory
Atmospheric pressure can support a column of water up to 10 meters high.
But plants can move water much higher; the sequoia tree can pump water to
its very top more than 100 meters above the ground. Until the end of the
nineteenth century, the movement of water in trees and other tall plants
was a mystery. Some botanists hypothesized that the living cells of plants
acted as pumps. But many experiments demonstrated that the stems of plants
in which all the cells are killed can still move water to appreciable
heights. Other explanations for the movement of water in plants have been
based on root pressure, a push on the water from the roots at the bottom of
the  plant. But root pressure is not nearly great enough to push water to
the tops of tall  trees. Furthermore, the conifers, which are among the
tallest trees, have unusually low root pressures.
If water is not pumped to the top of a tall tree, and if it is not pushed
to the top of a tall tree, then we may ask: how does it get there?
According to the currently accepted cohesion-tension theory, water  is
pulled there. The pull on a rising  column of water in a  plant results
from the evaporation of water at the top  of the  plant. As water is lost
from  the surface of the leaves, a negative pressure, or tension, is
created. The evaporated water is replaced by water moving from inside the
plant in unbroken columns that extend from the top of a plant to its roots.
The same forces that create surface tension in any sample of water are
responsible for the maintenance of these unbroken columns of water. When
water is confined in tubes of very small bore, the forces of cohesion (the 
attraction between water molecules) are so great that the strength of a
column of water compares with the strength of a steel wire of the same
diameter. This cohesive strength permits columns of water to be pulled to
great heights without being broken.
内聚压力理论
大气压能够支持 10 米高的水柱,但植物可将水送得更高。 美洲红杉就能把水泵到地面 以上 100 多米高的树顶。  直到 19
世纪末,水在树木和其它高大植物中的输送还是一个谜。 一些植物学家假定植物中的活细胞充当了水泵的角色。  但许多实验表明细胞都已死亡的植
物茎干仍能将水输送到相当可观的高度。  对于植物中输送水的其它解释都基于根压--植物 底端的根对水的推动。 但根压完全不足以将水推到树顶。
况且,最高树木中的松柏只有很 低的根压。  如果水不是被泵到高树的树顶,也不是被推到树顶,那么我们会问:它是怎样
到达树顶的呢?根据目前为人们所接受的内聚压力的理论,水是被拉到上面去的。 一株植物 中作用于一个正在升高的水柱之上的拉力来自该植物顶部水的蒸发。 
由于水从叶子表面丧 失,一个负压力,或张力就得以产生。  蒸发出去的水被植物里流动的水代替。  这些水形成
水柱从植物顶端一直延伸到根部。在任何水样中造成表面张力的力支持着这些不断的水柱。
当水被限制在内径很小的管道中时,内聚压力(水分子之间的相互吸引力)是如此之大以致一 支水柱的强度相当于一根直径相同的钢丝的强度。 
这种内聚压力使得水柱被拉到非常高的 地方而不会断裂。
>41 American Black Bears
American black bears appear in a variety of colors despite their name. In
the eastern part of their range, most of these bears have shiny black fur,
but in the west they grow brown, red, or even yellow coats. To the north,
the black bear is actually gray or white in color. Even in the same litter,
both brown and black furred bears may be born.
Black bears are the smallest of all American bears, ranging in length from
five to six feet, weighing from three hundred to five hundred pounds. Their
eyes and ears are small and their eyesight and hearing are not as good as 
their sense of smell.
Like all bears, the black bear is timid, clumsy, and rarely dangerous, but
if attacked, most can climb trees and cover  ground at  great speeds. When 
angry or frightened,  it is a formidable enemy.
Black bears feed on leaves, herbs, roots, fruit, berries, insects, fish,
and even larger animals. One of the most interesting characteristics of
bears, including the black bear, is their winter sleep. Unlike  squirrels, 
  woodchucks,  and  many  other  woodland  animals,  bears  do  not 
actually
hibernate. Although the bear does not eat during the winter months,
sustaining itself from body fat, its temperature remains almost normal, and
it breathes regularly four or five times per minute.
Most black bears live  alone,  except  during mating season. They  prefer
to live  in  caves, hollow logs, or dense thickets. A litter of one to four
cubs is born in January or February after a gestation period of six to nine 
months, and they remain with their  mother until they are fully grown or
about one and a half years old. Black bears can live as long as thirty
years in the wild, and even longer in game preserves set aside for them.
美国黑熊
美国黑熊虽然被叫做黑熊但却有各种各样的颜色。  在它们生活区域的东部,大部分黑 熊长有富有光泽的黑毛,但在西部,他们则长着棕色、红色甚至是黄色的毛。 
在北部,黑 熊其实长着灰色或白色的毛。 就是在一胎所生的小熊中,都可能混杂棕毛和黑毛。 黑熊是 所有美洲熊中最小的,5~6 英尺长,300~500
磅重。  它们的眼睛和耳朵都很小,他们的视 力和听觉不如嗅觉那样好。  像所有的熊一样,黑熊胆小,笨拙,很少具有危险性。  但如果
受到攻击,大部分黑熊会以很快的速度爬上树和奔跑。  当发怒或受惊吓时,黑熊会成为可 怕的对手。 
黑熊以树叶、草、树根、水果、浆果、昆虫、鱼,甚至更大的动物为食。  熊类, 包括黑熊的最有趣的一个特点是他们的冬眠。 
与松鼠、旱獭和其它别的林地动物不同,熊 并不真正地冬眠。  虽然熊在冬天的几个月中不吃东西,靠体内脂肪维持生命,但它们的体
温保持正常,并有规律地一分钟呼吸 4 或 5 次。除交配季节外,大多数黑熊独自生活。  他 们喜欢住在洞里、空心的大木头里或茂密的树丛里。  经过 6
到 9 个月的怀孕期后一胎 1~4 个小熊在 1 月或 2 月出生。  它们同母熊住在一起,直到它们完全长大,即 1 岁半左右。  黑
熊在野外可以活到长达 30 年,在专门的保护区中甚至能活得更长。
>42 Coal-fired Power Plants
The invention of the incandescent light bulb by Thomas A. Edison in 1879
created a demand for a cheap, readily available fuel with which to generate
large amounts of electric power. Coal seemed to fit the bill, and it fueled 
the earliest power stations (which were set up at the end of the nineteenth
century by Edison himself). As more power plants were constructed
throughout the country, the reliance on coal increased. Since the First
World War, coal-fired power plants have accounted for about half of the
electricity produced in the United States each year. In 1986 such plants
had a combined generating capacity of 289, 000 megawatts and consumed 83
percent of the nearly 900 million tons of coal mined in the country that
year. Given the uncertainty in the future growth of nuclear power and in
the supply of oil and natural gas, coal-fired power plants could well
provide up to 70 percent of the electric power in the United States by the
end of the century.
Yet, in spite of the fact that coal has long been a source of electricity
and may remain one for many  years  (coal    represents  about  80  percent
 of  United  States  fossil-fuel  reserves),  it  has actually never been
the most desirable fossil fuel for power plants. Coal contains less energy
per unit of weight than natural gas or oil; it is difficult to transport,
and it is associated with a host of environmental issues, among them acid
rain. Since the late 1960's problems of emission control and waste disposal
have sharply reduced the appeal of coal-fired power plants.  The cost  of
ameliorating these environmental problems along with the rising cost of
building a facility as large and complex  as  a  coal-fired  power plant, 
have also made such  plants less attractive from  a
purely economic perspective.
Changes in the technological base of coal-fired power plants could restore
their attractiveness, however. Whereas some of these changes are
evolutionary and are intended mainly to increase the  productivity of
existing plants, completely new technologies for burning coal cleanly are
also being developed.
火力发电厂托马斯·爱迪生 1879 年发明的白炽灯导致对便宜、易得、可生产大量电能 的燃料的需求。 
煤似乎符合这个要求,并成为第一批电厂的燃料(正是爱迪生本人在 19 世 纪末建造了第一批电厂)。  全国到处兴建电厂时,对煤的依赖加深了。 
自第一次世界大战 以来,美国每年约有一半的电力是以煤为燃料的电厂提供的。  1986 年这些电厂的总发电能 力达到 28,900
千瓦并且消耗了当年全国开采的九亿吨煤的 83%。  考虑到核能发展以及石 油、天然气供应中的不确定因素,到本世纪末,火力发电厂仍可能为美国提供多达 
70%的 电力。 然而,尽管煤长期以来一直是电力的原料之一并且可能会继续如此(煤占美国化石燃 料储量的 80%),它却不是电厂的理想燃料。 
煤的单位能量含量低于石油和天然气,而且会 导致包括酸雨在内的一系列环境问题。 从 1960 年以来,排放控制和垃圾处理的问题极大地
削弱了燃煤电厂的魅力。  由于减轻这些环境问题需要大量资金,而且建造庞大复杂的燃煤 电厂的费用不断上涨,也使得这些电厂从经济角度上不具备吸引力。 
改变火力发电厂的基 础技术却可能恢复它们的吸引力。  虽然某些技术改进是渐进的,其目的只是提高现有电厂 的生产率,但人们正在开发全新的清洁燃煤的技术。
>43 Statistics
There were two widely divergent influences on the early development of
statistical methods. Statistics had a mother who was dedicated to keeping
orderly records of governmental units (state and statistics come from the
same Latin root status) and a  gentlemanly gambling father who relied on
mathematics to increase his skill at playing the odds in games of chance.
The influence of the  mother on the offspring, statistics, is represented 
by counting, measuring, describing, tabulating,  ordering,  and  the 
taking  of  censuses  --  all  of  which  led  to  modern  descriptive
statistics. From the influence of  the father came  modern  inferential
statistics,  which  is based squarely on theories of probability.
Descriptive statistics involves tabulating, depicting and describing
collections of data. These data may be quantitative such as measures of
height, intelligence or grade level -- variables that are characterized by
an underlying continuum -- or the data may represent qualitative variables,
such as sex, college major or personality type. Large masses of data must
generally undergo a process of summarization or reduction before they are 
comprehensible. Descriptive statistics is a tool for  describing  or
summarizing or reducing to  comprehensible  form the properties of an
otherwise unwieldy mass of data.
Inferential statistics is a formalized body of methods for solving another
class of problems that  present  great    difficulties  for  the  unaided 
human  mind.  This  general  class  of  problems characteristically 
involve  attempts  to  make  predictions  using  a  sample  of 
observations.  For example, a school superintendent wishes to determine the
proportion of children in a large school system who come to school without
breakfast, have been vaccinated for flu, or whatever. Having a  little 
knowledge  of  statistics,  the  superintendent  would  know  that  it  is 
unnecessary  and inefficient to question each child: the proportion for the
entire district could be estimated fairly
accurately from a sample of as few as 100 children. Thus, the purpose of
inferential statistics is to predict or estimate characteristics of a
population from a knowledge of the characteristics of only a sample of the
population.
统计学
统计方法的早期发展受到两种截然不同的影响。  统计学有一个"母亲",她致力于井井
有条地记录政府机构的文件(国家和统计学这两个词源于同一个拉丁语词根,status),还有一
个有绅士般的赌博"父亲",他依靠数学来提高赌技,以便在几率的游戏中取胜。  "母亲"对
其子女统计学的影响表现在计数、测量、描述、制表、归类和人口普查。  所有这些导致了 现代描述统计学的诞生。 
由于"父亲"的影响则产生了完全基于概率论原理的现代推理统计 学。  描述统计学涉及对所收集数据的制表、制图和描述。  这些数据可以是数量性的数据,
如高度、智商、或者是层级性的数据--具有连续性的变量--或数据也可以代表性质变量,如 性别、大学专业或性格类型等等。 
数量庞大的数据通常必须经过概括或删减的程序才能为 人所理解。  描述统计学就是这样一个工具,它对极其庞杂的数据进行描述、概括或删减,
使其变成能为人理解的东西。  推理统计学是一套已定形了的方法体系,它解决的是光凭人 脑极难解决的另一类问题。 
这类问题的显著特点是试图通过取样调查来作出预测。  例如, 有一位教育督察想知道在一个庞大的学校系统中,不吃早饭就上学的学生、已经做过防感冒
免疫的学生,或其它任何类型的学生占多大比例。  若具备一些统计学的知识,这位督察应 明白,询问每个孩子是没有必要而且没有效率的,只要用 100
个孩子为样本,他就可以相当 精确地得出这些孩子占整个学区的比例了。  因此,推理统计学的目的就是通过了解一个群
体中一些样本的特性,从而对整个群体的特性进行推测和估算。
>44   Obtaining   Fresh   Water   from Icebergs
The concept of obtaining fresh water from icebergs that are towed to
populated areas and arid regions of the world was once treated as a joke
more appropriate to cartoons than real life. But now it is  being
considered quite seriously by  many nations, especially since scientists
have warned that the human race will outgrow its fresh water supply faster
than it runs out of food.
Glaciers  are  a  possible  source  of  fresh  water  that  has  been 
overlooked  until  recently. Three-quarters of  the Earth's fresh water
supply is still  tied  up in glacial ice,  a reservoir of untapped fresh
water so immense that it could sustain all the rivers of the world for
1,000 years. Floating on the oceans every year are 7,659 trillion metric
tons of ice encased in 10,000 icebergs that break away from the polar ice
caps, more than ninety percent of them from Antarctica.
Huge glaciers that stretch over the shallow continental shelf give birth to
icebergs throughout the year. Icebergs are not like sea ice, which is
formed when the sea itself freezes, rather, they are formed entirely on
land, breaking off when glaciers spread over the sea. As they drift away
from the polar region, icebergs sometimes move mysteriously in a direction
opposite to the wind, pulled by subsurface currents. Because they melt more
slowly than smaller pieces of ice, icebergs have been known to drift as far
north as 35 degrees south of the equator in the Atlantic Ocean. To corral
them and steer them to parts of the  world  where they are needed would not
be too difficult.
The  difficulty arises  in  other technical  matters, such  as the
prevention of rapid  melting in warmer climates and the  funneling of 
fresh water to  shore in  great volume. But even if the icebergs lost half
of their volume in towing, the water they could provide would be far
cheaper than that produced by desalinization, or removing salt from water.
从冰山中获取淡水 把冰山拖到世界上人口稠密的地区和干旱地带,再从中获取淡水,这个想法曾一度被认
为是一个笑话,更适合于卡通画,而非现实生活。  然而现在,许多国家正相当认真地考虑 这件事情,特别是在科学家们发出警告之后。 
科学家们认为人类将在耗尽粮食之前首先耗 尽淡水资源。冰川是一个直到最近以前一直被忽视的可能的淡水源。  全球四分之三的淡水 还锁在冰川的冰块中。 
冰川就是一个蓄水池,其中未开发的淡水量是如此巨大,足够支持 全世界的江河  1000  年。  每年有  7,659  万亿公吨冰漂流在海洋中。 
它们包含在  10,000 座从极地冰帽中断裂出来的冰山中。  这些冰山的  90%以上来自南极。  一年四季里,覆盖
在浅层大陆架上的巨大冰川生成了众多冰山。  冰山和海水的冰不同,后者是海水自身结冰 形成的,而冰山则完全是在陆地上形成的。 
当冰川伸展到海水中时,冰山就断裂下来。  当 漂离极地地区时,冰山有时会在底层洋流的推动下颇为神秘地逆风移动。  由于冰山比小块
的冰融化要慢,因此有的冰山在大西洋中向北飘到了赤道以南 35°的地方。  把冰山蓄拦起 来并拖到世界上需要它们的地方将不会太困难。
有困难的是其它的技术事宜。 比如,如何 防止冰山在较暖的气候中迅速融化以及如何把大量的淡水收集到岸上去。  但是,即便在拖
的过程中冰山失去了一半体积,这样做也远比从海水中脱盐取得淡水便宜。
>45 The Source of Energy
A summary of the physical and chemical nature of life must begin, not on
the Earth, but in the Sun; in fact, at the Sun's very center. It is here
that is to be found the source of the energy that the Sun constantly pours
out into space as light and heat. This energy is liberated at the center of
the Sun as billions upon billions of nuclei of hydrogen atoms collide with
each other and fuse together to form nuclei of helium, and in doing so,
release some of the energy that is stored in the nuclei of atoms. The
output of light and heat of the Sun requires that some 600  million tons of
hydrogen be  converted into  helium in the Sun every second.  This the Sun
has  been  doing for several thousands  of  millions of years.  The nuclear
 energy is released at the Sun's center as high-energy  gamma radiation, a
form of electromagnetic radiation like  light and radio waves, only of very
much shorter wavelength. This gamma radiation is absorbed by atoms inside
the Sun to be reemitted at slightly longer wavelengths. This radiation,  in
its turn is  absorbed  and reemitted. As the energy filters through the
layers of the solar interior, it passes through the X-ray part of the 
spectrum eventually becoming light. At this stage, it has reached what we
call the solar surface, and can escape into space without being absorbed
further by solar atoms. A very small  fraction  of  the  Sun's  light  and 
heat  is    emitted  in  such  directions  that  after  passing unhindered
through interplanetary space, it hits the Earth.
能量的来源
概说生命的物理和化学特性必须始于太阳--确切地说,是太阳的核心,而非地球。  能 量来自太阳的核心。
在这里,太阳不停地以光和热的形式向空间倾泻出能量。 数十亿计的 氢原子核在太阳的核心碰撞并且聚变生成氦。  在此过程中一部分原本储存于原子核中的能
量被释放出来。 太阳所产生的光和热需要每秒将六亿吨氢转化为氦。 这样的转化在太阳中
已经持续几十亿年了。  核能在太阳的核心被释放为高能的伽马射线。  这是一种电磁射线, 就象光波和无线电波一样,只是波长要短得多。 
这种伽玛射线被太阳内的原子所吸收,然 后重新释放为波长稍长一些的光波。 这新的射线再次被吸收,而后释放。 在能量由太阳内
部一层层渗透出来的过程中,它经过了光谱中 X 射线部分,最后变成了光。  在此阶段,能
量到达我们所称的太阳表层,并且离散到空间而不再被太阳原子所吸收。  只有很小一部分 太阳的光和热由此方向释放出来,并且未被阻挡,穿越星空,来到地球。
>46 Vision
Human vision like  that of  other primates has evolved in  an arboreal
environment. In the dense complex world  of a tropical forest, it is more
important to see well  than  to develop  an acute sense of smell. In the
course of evolution members of the primate line have acquired large eyes
while the snout has shrunk to give the eye an unimpeded view. Of mammals
only humans and  some  primates  enjoy  color  vision.  The  red  flag  is 
black  to  the  bull.    Horses  live  in  a monochrome world. Light
visible to human eyes however occupies only a very narrow band in the whole
 electromagnetic  spectrum.  Ultraviolet  rays  are  invisible  to  humans 
though  ants  and honeybees are sensitive to them. Humans have no  direct 
perception  of infrared rays unlike the rattlesnake which has receptors
tuned into wavelengths longer than 0.7 micron. The world would look  eerily
different  if human eyes were sensitive to infrared radiation. Then instead
of  the darkness of night, we would be able to move easily in a strange
shadowless world where objects glowed with varying degrees of intensity.
But human eyes excel in other ways. They are in fact remarkably discerning
in color gradation. The color sensitivity of normal human vision is rarely
surpassed even by sophisticated technical devices.
视觉
人类的视觉,和其它灵长目动物的一样,是在丛林环境中进化出来的。  在稠密、复杂 的热带丛林里,好的视觉比灵敏的嗅觉更加重要。
在进化过程中,灵长目动物的眼睛变大, 同时鼻子变小以使视野不受阻碍。  在哺乳类动物中,只有人和一些灵长目动物能够分辨颜 色。 
红旗在公牛看来是黑色的,马则生活在一个单色的世界里。  然而,人眼可见的光在整
个光谱中只占一个非常狭窄的频段。人是看不到紫外线的,尽管蚂蚁和蜜蜂可以感觉到。与 响尾蛇不同,人也不能直接感受到红外线。 
响尾蛇的感觉器可以感受波长超过  0.7  微米的 光线。  如果人能感受到红外线的话,这世界看上去将十分不同,而且恐怖。  到那时,将与
夜的黑暗相反,我们能轻易地在一个奇异的没有阴影的世界里走动。  任何物体都强弱不等 地闪着光。  然而,人眼在其它方面有优越之处。 
事实上,人眼对颜色梯度具有非凡的分辨 能力。  普通人类的视觉感受色彩的灵敏程度,甚至连精密的技术装备都很难超越。

>47 Folk Cultures
A folk culture is a small isolated, cohesive, conservative, nearly
self-sufficient group that is homogeneous in custom and race with a strong
family or clan structure and highly developed rituals. Order is maintained
through sanctions based in the religion or family and interpersonal
relationships  are strong.  Tradition is  paramount,  and  change comes
infrequently and slowly. There is relatively little division of labor into
specialized duties. Rather, each person is expected to perform a great 
variety of  tasks, though duties may  differ  between the sexes.  Most
goods are handmade and subsistence economy prevails. Individualism is
weakly developed in folk cultures as are social classes. Unaltered folk
cultures no longer exist in industrialized countries such as the United
States and Canada.  Perhaps the nearest modern equivalent in Anglo America
is the Amish, a German American farming sect that largely renounces the
products and labor saving devices  of  the  industrial  age.  In  Amish 
areas,  horse  drawn  buggies  still    serve  as  a  local transportation
device and the faithful are not permitted to own automobiles. The Amish's
central religious concept of Demut "humility", clearly reflects the
weakness of individualism and social class so typical of folk cultures and
there is a corresponding strength of Amish group identity. Rarely  do the 
Amish  marry outside their sect. The religion,  a  variety of  the
Mennonite faith, provides the principal mechanism for maintaining orders.
By contrast a popular culture is a large heterogeneous group often highly
individualistic and constantly changing. Relationships tend to be
impersonal and a pronounced division of labor exists, leading to the
establishment of many specialized professions. Secular institutions of
control such as the police  and army take the  place of religion and family
in maintaining order, and  a money-based economy prevails. Because of these
contrasts, "popular" may be viewed as clearly different from "folk". The
popular is replacing the folk in industrialized countries and in many
developing nations. Folk-made objects give way to their popular equivalent,
usually because the popular item is more quickly or cheaply produced, is
easier or time saving to use or leads more prestige to the owner.
民间文化民间文化是小型的、孤立的、紧密的、保守的、近乎自给自足的群体,具有同 样的习俗、同样的人种和强有力的家庭或部族结构以及高度发展的宗教仪式。 
秩序由宗教 或家庭的约束来维持,成员间的关系非常紧密,传统至高无上,很少有变动且变动缓慢。 劳 动专业分工相对较少。
每个人都要做各类活计,尽管男女两性分工不同。 绝大多数物品是 手工制造的,经济一般为自给自足型。  个人主义和社会阶层在民间文化群体中的发展十分
薄弱。在象美国和加拿大这样的工业化国家里,一成不变的民间文化群体已不复存在了。在 当代美洲的英语区,与民间文化最相似的群体也许算是 Amish。
Amish 是美国的德裔农耕 部落,他们基本上拒绝接受工业时代的大多数产品和节省劳力的设施。  在 Amish 地区,轻
便马车仍是当地的交通工具,信徒们不允许拥有汽车。 Amish 宗教中的核心观念 Demut 即 谦卑典型地反映了在民间文化群中个人主义和阶级的不发达。
 而与此同时,Amish  对群体 的认同性却十分强。 Amish 人很少和他们宗派以外的人通婚。  其宗教,作为 Mennonite 信
仰的一种,提供了维护秩序的主要机制。  相反,大众文化是包含不同种族的大群体,通常 高度个性化而且不断在变化。
人际关系冷漠,劳动分工明确,由此产生了许多专门的职业。 世俗的控制机构,比如警察和军队,取代了宗教和家庭来维持秩序,而且实行的是货币经济。
由于存在着这些差异,"大众的"与"民间的"可谓大相径庭。  在工业化国家以及许多发展中 国家里,大众文化正在取代民间文化。 
民间制造的物品正让位于大众化产品,这通常是因 为大众化的物品制造起来更快、更便宜,用起来更容易、更方便或者是能给其所有者带来更 多的威望。
>48 Bacteria
Bacteria are extremely small  living things. While we  measure our  own
sizes in  inches or centimeters, bacterial size is measured in microns. One
micron is a thousandth of a millimeter: a pinhead is about a millimeter
across. Rod-shaped bacteria are usually from two to four microns long,
while rounded ones are generally one micron in diameter. Thus if you
enlarged a rounded bacterium a thousand times, it would  be just about the
size  of a  pinhead. An adult human magnified by the same amount would be
over a mile (1.6 kilometers) tall.
Even  with  an  ordinary  microscope,  you   must  look  closely  to  see 
bacteria.  Using  a magnification of 100 times, one finds that bacteria are
barely visible as tiny rods or dots. One cannot make out anything of their
structure. Using special stains, one can see that some bacteria have
attached to them wavy-looking "hairs" called flagella. Others have only one
flagellum. The flagella rotate, pushing the bacteria through the water.
Many bacteria lack flagella and cannot move  about   by  their   own 
power,  while  others   can  glide   along  over  surfaces  by  some
little-understood    mechanism.
From the bacterial point of view, the world is a very different place from
what it is to humans. To a bacterium water is as thick as  molasses is to
us. Bacteria are so small that they are influenced  by  the  movements  of 
the    chemical  molecules  around  them.  Bacteria  under  the microscope,
even those with no flagella, often bounce about in the water. This is
because they collide with the water molecules and are pushed this way and
that. Molecules move so rapidly that within a tenth of a second the
molecules around a bacterium have all been replaced by new ones; even
bacteria without flagella are thus constantly exposed to a changing
environment.
细菌细菌是极其微小的生物体。  我们用英寸或厘米来测量自己的大小,而测量细菌却 要用微米。 一微米等于千分之一毫米。 针头直径大约一毫米。
棒状细菌通常有 2~4 微米 长,而圆形细菌的直径一般只有 1 微米。  因此,即使你把一个圆形细菌放大 1000 倍,它也 不过一个针头那么大。 
可是如果把一个成年人放大 1000 倍,就会变成 1 英里(或 1.6 公里) 多高。 用一般的显微镜观察细菌时,你必须仔细观察才能看见它们。 使用
100 倍的显微镜 时,你会发现细菌不过是隐约可见的小细棒或小点点,而它们的结构你却根本看不出来。 使
用特殊的着色剂后,你会发现有的细菌上长着不少波状的"毛发"即鞭毛,而有的细菌只有一 根鞭毛。  鞭毛的旋转可以推动细菌在水中行进。 
不少细菌没有鞭毛,因而不能自己行进。 还有些细菌却能通过某些鲜为人知的机制沿物体表面滑动。  我们所熟知的世界在细菌眼中 完全是另一个样子。 
对于细菌来说,水就同糖浆之于人类一样稠密。  细菌是如此的微小, 周围化学分子的一举一动都会对它们产生影响。  在显微镜下,细菌,甚至包括那些没有鞭
毛的细菌,经常在水中跳来跳去。  这是因为它们与水分子相撞后,被弹向各个方向。  分子 移动很迅速,仅  0.1 
秒之隔,一个细菌周围的分子就会完全更新。  因此,即使是没有鞭毛 的细菌也暴露在一个不断变化的环境中。
>49 Sleep
Sleep is part of a person's daily activity cycle. There are several
different stages of sleep, and they too occur in cycles. If you are an
average sleeper, your sleep cycle is as follows. When you
first drift off into slumber, your eyes will roll about a bit, your
temperature will drop slightly, your  muscles will relax, and your
breathing well slow and become quite regular.  Your brain waves slow down a
bit too, with the alpha rhythm of rather fast waves predominating for the
first few minutes. This is called stage 1 sleep. For the next half hour or
so, as you relax more and more, you will drift down through stage 2 and
stage 3 sleep. The lower your stage of sleep, the slower your brain waves
will be. Then about 40 to 60 minutes after you lose consciousness you will
have reached the deepest sleep of all. Your brain waves will show the large
slow waves that are known as the delta rhythm. This is stage 4 sleep.
You do not remain at this deep fourth stage all night long, but instead
about 80 minutes after you fall into slumber, your brain activity level
will increase again slightly. The delta rhythm will disappear, to  be
replaced by the  activity pattern of  brain waves.  Your eyes will begin to
dart around under your closed eyelids as if you were looking at something
occurring in front of you. This period of rapid eye movement lasts for some
8 to 15 minutes and is called REM sleep. It is during REM sleep period,
your body will soon relax again, your breathing will grow slow and regular
once more, and you will slip gently back from stage 1 to stage 4 sleep -
only to rise once again to the surface of near consciousness some 80
minutes later.
睡眠
睡眠是人每天日常活动循环的一部分。  人的睡眠分几个阶段,而这些阶段也是循环发 生的。  如果你是一个正常的睡眠者,你的睡眠循环会这样进行。 
在你开始昏昏入睡时,你 的眼睛会滚动几下,体温略有下降,肌肉放松,呼吸变得缓慢而有节奏。  除了开始几分钟 比较快的α节奏外,脑电波也稍有减缓。 
这被称为第一阶段睡眠。  在随后约半小时内,你 进一步放松,进入第二和第三阶段睡眠。  睡眠越深入,脑电波就越缓慢。  大约在开始睡眠 后的 40 到
60 分钟,你将进入沉睡状态。 这时的脑电波表现为巨大的缓波,被称为δ节奏。 这就是第四阶段睡眠。  但你并不是整夜都保持这种沉睡状态。  入睡后约
80 分钟左右,你 的大脑运动水平会再度略有提高。 δ节奏消失,并被脑电波的运动图形取代。 你的眼睛会
在闭着的眼睑下迅速转动,就好象你在看着眼前发生的什么事情。  这种迅速的眼球运动持 续约 8~15 分钟,这一阶段睡眠被称之为快速眼动(REM)睡眠。
在 REM 睡眠阶段,你的肢 体会很快再度放松,呼吸也再次放慢并变得有节奏,你会轻松地从第一阶段滑入第四阶段睡 眠-直到大约 80
分钟后重新接近清醒状态。
>50 Cells and Temperature
Cells cannot remain alive  outside certain limits of temperature, and  much
narrower limits mark the boundaries  of effective functioning.  Enzyme
systems of mammals and birds are most efficient only within a narrow range
around 37  ℃; a departure of a few degrees from this value seriously 
impairs  their  functioning.  Even  though  cells  can  survive  wider 
fluctuations,  the integrated  actions  of bodily systems are impaired. 
Other animals have a wider tolerance for changes of bodily temperature. For
centuries it has been recognized that mammals and birds differ from  other 
animals  in  the  way  they  regulate  body  temperature.  Ways  of 
characterizing  the difference have become  more  accurate  and meaningful 
over time, but popular terminology still reflects  the  old  division  into
 "warm blooded"  and  "cold blooded"  species;  warm-blooded included
mammals and birds whereas all other creatures were considered cold-blooded.
As more species were studied, it became evident that this classification
was inadequate. A fence lizard or a
desert iguana -- each cold-blooded -- usually has a body temperature only a
degree or two below that of humans and so is not cold. Therefore the next
distinction was made between animals that maintain a constant body
temperature, called  homeotherms, and those whose body temperature varies
with their environment, called poikilotherms. But this classification also
proved inadequate, because  among mammals there are many that vary their
body temperatures  during hibernation. Furthermore, many invertebrates that
live in the depths of the ocean never experience a change in the chill of
the deep water, and their body temperatures remain constant.
细胞与温度 细胞只能在一定的温度范围内存活,而进一步保证它们有效工作的温度范围就更小了。
哺乳动物和鸟类的酶系统只能在 37℃左右的很小范围内才能有效工作。 与此相差仅几度的 温度都会大大削弱它们的工作效率。 
尽管温度变化更大时细胞仍能存活,但机体系统的整 体运行能力却被削弱了。 其它动物对体温的变化有更强的适应性。 几个世纪以来,人们就
认识到哺乳动物和鸟类调节体温的方式与其它动物不同。  随着时间的推移,人们对这种差
异的描述越来越精确和有意义,但是"暖血动物"和"冷血动物"这一古老的分类方式至今仍在 大众词汇中有所反映。
暖血动物包括哺乳动物和鸟类,其它动物统统被视为冷血动物。 但 是对更多物种进行的研究表明这种分类显然是不适当的。  美洲一种小型蜥蜴和沙漠鬣蜥同
属冷血动物,但实际上它们的体温通常只比人类的体温低 1~2 度,因此并不是真正的冷血。
因此又出现了恒温动物(即保持恒定体温的动物)和变温动物(即体温随外界环境的变化而改 变的动物)这一区分方式。  但这种分类也不恰当。 
因为有不少哺乳动物在冬眠期间会改变 体温,而许多生活在深海的无脊椎动物在寒冷的深海水域中体温并不变化,而是恒定的。
>51 Marine Mammals
Since there is such an abundance of food in the sea, it is  understandable 
that some of the efficient, highly adaptable, warm-blooded mammals that
evolved on land should have returned to the sea.  Those that did have 
flourished.  Within  about  50 million years -- no time at all,
geologically  speaking  --  one  of  the  four  kinds  of mammals  that 
has  returned  to  a  marine environment has developed into the largest of
all animal forms, the whale. A second kind, the seal,  has produced what is
 probably the  greatest population  of large carnivorous  mammals on Earth.
This suggests that these "top dogs" of the ocean are prospering and
multiplying. However, such  has not  been the case, at least  not  for the 
last  150 years. Trouble has closed in on these mammals in the form of
equally warm-blooded and even more efficient and adaptable predators,
humans. At sea, as on land, humans have now positioned themselves on the
top of the whole great pyramid of life, and they have caused serious 
problems for the mammals of the sea. There is a simple reason for this.
Marine mammals have the misfortune to be swimming aggregates of commodities
that  humans want: fur, oil and meat. Even so,  they might  not be so
vulnerable  to human depredation  if they  did not, like  humans, reproduce
so slowly. Every year humans take more than 50 million tons of fish from
the oceans without critically depleting the population of any species. But
the slow-breeding mammals of the sea have been all but wiped out by humans
seeking to satisfy their wants and whims.
海洋哺乳动物 既然海洋中有如此丰富的食物,一些原本在陆地生存的高效率的,适应性强的暖血型动
物返回海洋生存是不难理解的。 那些已经返回海洋的哺乳动物种族繁荣。 在大约 5 千万年 间(这在地质学上不过是弹指一挥间),返回海洋的 4
种浦乳动物之一的鲸已成为体积最庞大 的动物。 而另一种哺乳动物海豹,它的数量恐怕是地球上大型食肉哺乳动物中最大的。 这
似乎表明这些海洋中的"大哥大"们人丁兴旺,一派繁荣景象。但至少在近 150 年以来,事实 并非如此。 
同样是暖血动物而且效率更高、适应性更强的捕食者,人类,成为这些哺乳动 物的日益迫近的威胁。 
在陆地和海洋,人类都已处在巨大的生物金字塔的最顶端,成为所 有生物的主宰,并给海洋哺乳动物带来巨大的危胁。 原因很简单。 这些哺乳动物不幸成为
人类所需要的一堆游动着的商品,如皮毛、油和肉。  尽管如此,如果它们不象人类一样繁 殖如此缓慢,它们对人类的掠夺也不会如此无能为力。 
每年人类从海洋中捕捞约 5 千万吨 的鱼类,但这并未导致任何鱼种的灭绝。但繁殖缓慢的海洋哺乳动物却因为有了一心只想满 足一已私欲的人类而濒临。
>52 Chimpanzee
The most striking single fact about chimpanzees is the flexibility of their
social life, the lack of any rigid form of organization. It represents
about as far a departure from the baboon type of organization  as one can
find among the higher primates, and serves to  emphasize  the  great
variety of primate adaptations. Chimpanzees are more human than baboons, or
rather they jibe better with  the way we like to  picture  ourselves, as
free-wheeling individuals who tend  to  be unpredictable, do not take 
readily to any form of regimentation,  and  are frequently  charming.
(Charm is relatively rare among baboons.) Two researchers have described
what they found during more than eight months spent among chimpanzees in
their natural habitat the forest:"We were quite surprised to observe that
there is no single distinct social unit in chimpanzee society. Not only is
there no 'family' or 'harem' organization; neither is there a 'troop'  
organization - that is to say, no  particular chimpanzees keep  permanently
together. On the  contrary, individuals move about at will, alone or in
small groups best described as bands, which sometimes form into large
aggregations.
They leave their associates if they want to, and join up with new ones
without conflict. " The general  practice  is   best   described  as  "easy
 come,  easy   go",   although  there  are  certain group-forming 
tendencies. As a rule chimpanzees move about in one of four types of band:
adult males only; mothers and offspring and occasionally a few other
females; adults and adolescents of both sexes, but no mothers with young
and representatives of all categories mixed together. The  composition  of 
bands  may  change  a  number  of  times  during  the    course  of  a  day
 as individuals wander off and groups split or combine with other groups.
On the other hand, certain individuals prefer one another's company. One of
the researchers observed that four males often roamed  together    over  a 
four-month  period,  and  mothers  often  associated  with  their  older
offsprings.
黑猩猩
黑猩猩最突出的一个特征是它们社会生活的灵活性,即缺乏固定的组织形式。  它的这 一特征与狒狒的那种组织形态间的差别,在灵长动物中最为突出。 
由此可见灵长类动物中 适应性变化的多样性。  黑猩猩比狒狒更接近人类,或者说它与我们心愿的自我形象更为接
近:自由自在,不落窠臼,不喜欢任何形式的约束并且往往魅力十足(在狒狒中魅力比较罕 见)。 通过在黑猩猩的自然栖息地森林中对它们进行了 8
个月的观察,两名研究人员得出这
样结论:"我们注意到在黑猩猩的社会中似乎没有任何一种独立的社会基本单位,这一点令 我们很吃惊。 
它们不仅没有'家庭'或'妻妾'组织,也没有'团队'组织,也就是说黑猩猩没有固 定地生活在一起。 
相反,每只黑猩猩随意流动,或是独自一人,或是作为最好称之为团伙 的一员。 团伙有时会与其它团伙合并成大的聚合体。 它们可以随意离开同伴,并与其它黑
猩猩组成新的团伙而不会产生任何纠纷。"把黑猩猩这一总的特性称之为"来得容易去得快" 是最恰当不过了。  但它们也有一定的群体倾向性。 
通常,黑猩猩群的构成有以下 4 种:仅 有成年雄性; 母猩猩及其子女而且偶尔有几只其它的雌性猩猩; 雄性和雌性的成年和未成
年黑猩猩但不包括有子女的雌性黑猩猩; 以及各种类型混杂在一起。 一天之中一个团伙的
组成可能变化好几次,因为有的成员可能离开,而且群体可能会与其它群体合并。  另一方 面,有些黑猩猩有自己喜欢的伙伴。 
一名研究人员发现四只雄性黑猩猩在 4 个月中常常共 同游荡,还有母亲们常与她们较年长的子女们在一起。
 
>53 Nitinol
Nitinol is one of the most extraordinary metals to be discovered this
century: A simple alloy of nickel and titanium, nitinol has some perplexing
properties. A metal with a memory, it can be made to remember any shape
into which it is fashioned, returning to that shape whenever it is heated.
For example, a piece of nitinol wire bent to form a circle that is then
heated and quenched will remember this shape. It may then  be  bent or
crumpled, but  on reheating,  will  violently untwist, reforming its 
original shape. This remarkable ability is called Shape  Memory Effect
(SME); other  alloys, such  as brasses,  are known  to possess it  to a 
limited  extent. No one fully understands SME, and nitinol remains
particularly perplexing, for,  whenever it performs this peculiar feat, it
appears to be breaking the laws of thermodynamics by springing back into
shape with greater force than was used to deform it in the first place.
But  not only is nitinol capable  of remembering, it  also  has  the 
ability to "learn". If the heating-cooling-crumpling-reheating process is
carried out sufficiently often, and the metal is always crumpled in  
exactly the same way, the nitinol will not only remember its original
shape, but gradually it learns to remember its crumpled form as well, and
will begin to return to the same crumpled shape every time it is cooled.
Eventually, the metal will crumple and uncrumple, totally unaided, in
response to changes in temperature and without any sign of metal fatigue.
Engineers have produced prototype engines that are driven by the force of
nitinol springing from one shape to another as it alternately encounters
hot and cold water. The energy from these remarkable  engines  is, 
however,  not  entirely  free:  heat  energy  is  required  to  produce 
the temperature differences needed to run the engine. But the optimum
temperatures at which the metal reacts can be controlled by altering the
proportions of nickel to titanium; some alloys will even perform at room
temperature. The necessary temperature range between the warm and the
cold can be as little as twelve degrees centigrade.
镍钛合金镍钛诺是这个世纪所发现的最不寻常的金属之一,作为镍和钛的简单的一种合 金,镍钛诺具有一些令人惊叹的特征。 
这是一种有记忆力的金属,人们可以使它记住它被 塑成的任何形状,并在加热后恢复这一形状。  比如,一节镍钛诺线圈在加热冷却后会记住 圆圈这形状。 
随后它可能被弯折成其它形状,但一旦再次加热,就会迅速地自动恢复成最 初的圆圈状。  这种不寻常的能力被称为形状记忆效果(SME)。 
其它一些合金如黄铜在一定
程度上也具有这种特性。  目前人们对  SME  这一特性尚缺乏透彻的认识,而镍钛诺尤其使
人惊奇,因为每当它展现这一惊人的功能时,似乎都违背了热力学原理。  因为它在恢复原 有形状时所释放的力比人们使它变形所施加的力大得多。
镍钛诺不仅有记忆力,还能"学习
"。 如果加热-冷却-弯曲-再加热这一过程重复一定次数,且每次冷却后它都被丝毫不差地弯
成同一形状,它不仅可以记住最初的形状,还能逐渐记住它被弯成的形状,并开始在每次冷 却时恢复这一形状。 
最终,它会自动地随温度变化而弯曲和恢复这些形状,并且没有任何 疲劳迹象。  工程师们已制造出一些发动机样机,利用镍钛合金在交替遇热水和冷水时迅速
改变形状所产生的力做推动力。  然而这些神奇的发动机工作时并非完全不耗能,因为必须 有热能来制造温差才能使机器运转。 
但人们可以通过改变合金中镍钛的比例来控制使它反 应的最佳温度。  有的镍钛合金甚至能在室温下做出反应,冷暖之间的最小温差只有 12℃。
>54 Treasure in Sunken Ships
Of the tens of thousands of ships on the ocean bottom, only a handful, less
than 1 percent, contain negotiable treasure, such as gold and jewels. Most
give us a different priceless treasure
-- history. A sunken ship lies in trust, preserved in the airless
environment of the sea and those in deep water are especially well
protected. No dry land sites anywhere -- except perhaps Egyptian tombs --
are in a better state of preservation  than a  vessel deep in the ocean. A
sunken ship, therefore, can be a rare window through which a moment in time
is glimpsed.
This is not to imply that sunken ships are always found intact. Most ships
break up on the way down, hit the bottom at about 100 miles per hour, and
become a chaotic, confusing jumble. I recall the chagrin of a novice diver
who, after surfacing from an underwater tour of a 400-foot ship, asked his
diving buddy, "Where was the wreck?" It takes experience to actually know a
sunken ship  when  one sees it. But  no matter what its condition on  the
way down, a ship deteriorates much more slowly as it sinks deeper into 
protective layers of sand and mud. Ancient vessels have been found in
remarkably good condition. In 1977 a group of marine archaeologists
excavating a 900-year-old wreck recovered engraved glassware. Greek coins,
bronze kettles, and amazingly, Greek jars containing seeds, almonds, and
lentils -- even a plate with chicken bones. 沉船中的宝藏 
在数以万计的海底沉船中,只有极少数,不到百分之一的沉船上有可流 通的财富,如黄金和珠宝。  多数沉船提供给我们的是另一种无价的财富--历史。 
沉船被海 洋中没有空气的环境保管起来,躺在深水中的船只被保存得尤其完好。  大概除了埃及金字 塔外,陆地上没有哪些遗迹比深海沉船保存得更完好了。 
因此,每一只沉船便成为我们探 视历史的一扇难得的窗户。 但这并不是说沉船被发现时都完好无损。 大多数船只在下沉过 程中就已破碎,并以每小时 100
英里的速度撞击海底,因此成为乱糟糟的一团。  我至今仍 记得一位潜水新手造访一艘 400 英尺长的海底沉船后浮出水面时的懊丧神情。他问他的潜水
伙伴:"沉船在哪儿?"  看到沉船时能知道这是一只沉船是需要经验的。  但不管船在下沉时
状况如何,当它下沉到海底具有保护作用的泥沙层后,船体的朽烂速度比在陆地上要慢得多。 人们曾在海底发现过保存异常完好的古船。  1977
年,一群海洋考古学家们在发掘一只有 900 年历史的沉船时,找到了雕花玻璃器皿、希腊硬币、青铜水壶,并令人吃惊地发现一些盛有
种子、杏仁和扁豆等东西的希腊罐子,甚至找到一个盛有鸡骨的盘子。
>55 Creating Colors
There are two ways to create colors in a photograph. One method, called
additive, starts with three  basic colors and adds them together to produce
some other colors.  The second method, called subtractive, starts with
white light (a mixture of all colors in the spectrum) and by taking away
some or all other colors leaves the one desired.
In the additive method separate colored lights are combined to produce
various other colors. The three additive primary colors are green, red and
blue (each proportions, about one third of the wavelengths in the  total 
spectrum). Mixed in varying proportions,  they can produce all colors.
Green and red light mix to produce yellow, red and blue light mix to
produce magenta, green  and blue  mix to produce cyan.  When equal  parts
of all three  of these primary colored beams of light overlap, the mixture
appears white to the eye.
In the subtractive process, colors are produced when dye (as in paint or
color photographic materials) absorbs some wavelengths and so passes on
only part of the spectrum. The subtractive primaries  are  cyan  (a 
blulish  green), magenta  (a  purplish  pink),  and  yellow;  these  are 
the pigments or  dyes that  absorb red, green and  blue wavelengths, 
respectively,  thus subtracting them from white light.  These dye  colors
are the  complementary colors to the  three additive primaries of red, 
green and blue. Properly combined,  the subtractive primaries can absorb 
all colors of light,  producing black. But,  mixed in  varying proportions
they too  can  produce any color in the spectrum.
Whether a particular color  is obtained  by adding colored lights  together
or  by subtracting some light from the total spectrum, the result looks the
same to the eye. The additive process was employed for early color 
photography. But the subtractive method, while requiring complex chemical
techniques,  has turned out to be  more practical and is the basis of all 
modern color films.
创造颜色有两种方法可以使照片具有色彩。  一种叫加色法,通过把三种基本颜色相叠 加以产生其它色彩。
另一种叫减色法,通过去除白色(其实是光谱中所有颜色相混合的结果) 中的某些或其它所有色彩而把所需的色彩留下来。  在加色法中,不同颜色的光线混合以产
生其它各种色彩。  加色法三原色是绿、红和蓝(其中每一种占据总光谱中三分之一的波长)。 这三种色彩以不同比例相叠加可以产生所有色彩。 
绿光和红光叠加可产生黄色,红光与蓝 光叠加可产生品红色,绿光与蓝光叠加可产生青绿色。 当这三种原色光以相同比例叠加时, 眼睛所见的就成为白色。 
而在减色法中,染料(比如在绘画颜料或彩色照相材料中)吸收了 部分波长而只允许分光谱通过,从而产生各种色彩。  减色法三原色是青绿色、品红(略带紫
色的粉红色)和黄色;  也就是可分别吸收红光、绿光和蓝光的色料或染料,从而去除白色光 中的这些色彩。这些染料色是加色法的三原色红、绿、蓝的相互补充。 
适当组合时,减色 法三原色能吸收光线中的所有色彩,产生黑色。  但当它们以不同的比例叠加时,也能产生 光谱中所有颜色。 
不论某种颜色是通过把不同色彩的光线叠加还是把光谱中某些颜色的光 去除掉而产生的,它的视觉效果是一样的。 早期彩色摄影采用加色法。 但减色法尽管需要
复杂的化学技术,最终比前者更加实用,并成为现代彩色电影的基础。
>56 The Organic Foods
Are organically grown foods the best food choices? The advantages claimed
for such foods over  conventionally grown and  marketed food products  are
now  being  debated. Advocates  of organic foods -- a term whose meaning
varies greatly -- frequently proclaim that such products are safer and more
nutritious than others.
The growing interest of consumers in the safety and nutritional quality of
the typical North American diet is a welcome development. However, much of
this interest has been sparked by sweeping  claims that the food supply is 
unsafe or inadequate in  meeting nutritional needs. Although  most of these
claims are not supported by scientific evidence, the preponderance of
written material advancing such claims makes it difficult for the general
public to separate fact from fiction. As a result, claims that eating a
diet consisting entirely of organically grown foods prevents or cures
disease or provides other benefits to health have become widely publicized
and form the basis for folklore.
Almost daily the public is besieged by claims for "no-aging" diets, new
vitamins and other wonder foods. There are numerous unsubstantiated reports
that natural vitamins are superior to synthetic  ones, that fertilized eggs
are nutritionally superior to unfertilized eggs, that  untreated grains are
better than fumigated grains and the like.
One thing that most organically grown food products seem to have in common
is that they cost more than conventionally grown foods. But in  many cases
consumers are  misled if they believe   organic  foods  can  maintain    
health  and  provide  better  nutritional  quality  than conventionally
grown foods. So there is real cause for concern if consumers particularly
those with limited incomes, distrust the regular food supply and  buy only
expensive organic foods instead.
绿色食品绿色食品是最佳食物吗?有人认为绿色食品比通过常规方式生产和销售的食品 有更多的优越性,然而现在却有人对此提出异议。 
绿色食品--这一词的用法非常不统一-- 支持者往往声称绿色食品比其它食品更安全,营养价值更高。  北美的消费者们越来越关注
他们的日常饮食是否安全和有营养。 这一发展趋势是好的。 然而这种关注多半是由一些武 断的说法引起的,即食物供应不安全或不能提供足够的营养。 
尽管这些说法多数未被科学 证实,但是由于大量文章支持这一观点,使得普通群众难辨真伪。  因此那些认为只食用绿
色食品就能防治疾病或增进健康的观点便广为人知,并导致一些不科学的做法和习惯。  公
众几乎每天都被"抗衰老"食品、新型维生素以及其它具有神奇功效的食物广告所包围。  声
称天然维生素优于人造维生素,受精蛋比未受精蛋的营养价值更高,未经薰蒸消毒处理的谷 物比经过处理的好等等诸如此类的报道屡见不鲜,但没有一篇是经过证实的。
 大多数绿色 食品有一共同点,即它们的价格高于以常规方式种植的食物。  但在许多情况下,如果消费
者认为绿色食品能预防疾病且营养价值高于以常规方式生产的食品,那么他们被误导了。如
果消费者们,尤其是那些收入有限的消费者们,怀疑传统食品而只购买更昂贵的绿色食品, 那就值得担忧了。
>57 Lighthouses
The  first  navigational  lights  in  the  New  World  were  probably 
lanterns  hung  at  harbor entrances. The first lighthouse was put up by
the Massachusetts Bay Colony in 1716 on Little Brewster Island at the
entrance to Boston Harbor. Paid for and maintained by "light dues" levied
on ships, the original beacon was blown up in 1776. By then there were only
a dozen or so true lighthouses in the colonies. Little over a century
later, there were 700 lighthouses.
The first light erected on the West Coast in the 1850's featured the same
basic New England design: a Cape Cod dwelling with the tower rising from
the center or standing close by. In New England  and  elsewhere,  though, 
lighthouses reflected a  variety of architectural styles. Since most
stations in the Northeast were built on rocky eminences, enormous towers
were not the rule. Some were made of stone and brick, others of wood or
metal. Some stood on pilings or stilts; some were fastened to rock with
iron rods. Farther south, from Maryland through the Florida Keys, the coast
was low and sandy. It was often necessary to build tall  towers there - 
massive structures like the majestic Cape Hatteras, North Carolina,
lighthouse, which was lit in 1870. At
190 feet, it is the tallest brick lighthouse in the country.
Notwithstanding  differences  in  appearance  and  construction,  most 
American  lighthouses shared several features: a light, living quarters and
sometimes a bell (or later, a foghorn).They also had something  else in
common: a  keeper and,  usually, the  keeper's family. The  keeper's
essential task was trimming  the lantern  wick  in order to maintain  a
steady,  bright flame. The earliest keepers came from every walk of life -
they were seamen, farmers,  mechanics, rough mill hands - and appointments
were often handed out by local customs commissioners as political plums.
After the administration  of lighthouses was  taken  over  in 1852 by the
United States Lighthouse Board, an agency of the Treasury Department, the
keeper corps gradually became highly professional.
灯塔在新大陆上,最初的航标灯要算那些挂在港湾入口的提灯了吧。  最初的灯塔是
1716 年由马萨诸塞湾殖民地在波士顿港入口一个叫小布罗斯特的岛上建起的。 这最初的灯 塔是通过向船只征收"买光钱"来维持运作的,于 1776
年被炸毁。  那时,在各殖民地,真正 的灯塔仅有十几个。  但过了一个世纪多一点,灯塔就增至七百多个了。  1850  年,在西部
沿海建起的首座灯塔基本上沿袭了新英格兰灯塔的设计方案,即那种中心或周围升起塔楼的 典型的哥德角式房子。
新英格兰与其它一些地方的灯塔在建筑风格上是多样化的。 在东北 部,灯塔大都建在石质的高地上,因此塔身不需要太高。  它们有砖石结构的;  也有木材或
金属结构的,有的灯塔建在支架上,有的则用铁条固定在岩石上。  在更南方的地区,从马
里兰到弗罗里达礁群的海岸地势低平且多为沙质,因此高大的塔身就很必要了。  例如 1870 年在北卡罗来纳的哈特拉角建的宏伟的大灯塔,高达 190
英尺,是全美最高的砖结构灯塔。 虽然美国的灯塔在外观和结构上存在一些差异,但它们确有些共同之处,比如都有灯标、有 住房、有时还有钟(后来改用雾角)。 
此外,还有一个相同之处,那就是都有守塔人,通常 是守塔人全家。 守塔人的基本工作就是修剪灯蕊,以便火焰明亮而稳定。 最早的守塔人来
自各种行业:海员、农民、技工和干粗活的。  这个职位通常是作为政治回报由地方海关官 员决定任命。 但在 1852
年后,财政部下属的美国灯塔管理委员会接管了所有灯塔,守塔人 这支队伍也逐渐趋向专业化了。
>58 Animals' Compasses
Researchers have found that migrating animals use a variety of inner
compasses to help them navigate. Some steer by the position of the Sun.
Others navigate by the stars. Some use the Sun as their guide during the
day and then switch to star navigation by night. One study shows that the
homing pigeon uses the Earth's magnetic fields as a guide in finding its
way home and there are indications that various other animals from insects
to mollusks, can also make use of magnetic compasses. It is of course very
useful for a  migrating bird to be able to switch to a magnetic compass
when clouds cover the Sun; otherwise it would just have to land and wait
for the Sun to come out    again.
Even with the Sun or stars to steer by, the problems of navigation are more
complicated than they might seem at first. For example, a worker honeybee
that has found a rich source of nectar and pollen flies rapidly home to the 
hive to report. A naturalist has discovered that the bee scout delivers her
report through a complicated dance in the hive, in which she tells the
other workers not only how far away the food is, but also what direction to
fly in relation to the Sun. But the Sun does not stay in  one  place all 
day.  As  the workers start  out to gather  the food, the Sun may already
have changed its position in the sky somewhat. In later trips during the
day, the Sun will seem to move farther and farther toward the west. Yet the
worker bees seem to have no trouble at all in finding the food source.
Their inner clocks tell them just where the Sun will be and they change
their course correspondingly.
动物的罗盘
研究人员已经发现迁徙性动物可以借助各种各样的体内罗盘来校正方向。  有些动物借 助太阳的位置辨别方向,有些则依靠星星。 
还有的白天利用太阳,晚上利用星星。  有研究 发现信鸽以地磁场为向导来找到回家的路。  还有迹象表明许许多多其它生物,从昆虫到软
体动物,也能利用这种磁场罗盘。  具有这种磁场罗盘,对候鸟来说当然非常有用,因为如
果乌云遮日,它可以以磁场为向导继续飞行,否则它就只好着陆,等待太阳重新出现。  即 使是借助太阳或星星导航,其中的学问也比它表面看起来的要复杂得多。 
例如,一只工蜂 找到了花圃蜜园,急忙飞回蜂房报信。博物学家发现这只蜂探在蜂房里跳了一段极为复杂的
舞,通过这段舞她不但告诉其它工蜂食物有多远,而且报告了以太阳为参照的飞行路线。 但 太阳不会呆在天上不动。
当蜂群出发采食时,太阳可能已经多少改变了它在天空中的位置。 出发得越迟,太阳就越偏西,可这似乎没给寻找食物源的工蜂们带来任何不便。  它们体内
的时钟告诉他们太阳应在的位置,据此它们相应地改变前进的方向。
>59 Muscles and Human
Body It  is in the  joints  of the  human body  that movements of the bones
take  place. The movement itself is  caused  by the pull of sheets and 
cords  of very tough tissue  called  muscle. Muscle tissue has the special
ability to shorten itself so that the bone on which it pulls has to move.
When muscle tissue shortens, it also  bunches up.  Muscle  tissue covers
the  body in sheets and bands that lie between the skin and the skeleton.
The bones are the framework of the body, but the muscles fill out the body
shape. Most muscles extend from one bone to another. When the muscle
between the bones shortens, one bone has to move. The point where the
muscle is fastened to the unmoving  bone is  called the origin  of the
muscle, whereas  the point where the  muscle is not fastened to the bone
that is to be  moved is called  the insertion. Sometimes the muscle is not
attached directly to the bone but to a tough, nonstretchable cord, or
tendon, that is attached to the bone. Muscles do not push; they can only
pull. To bend the arm at the elbow, the muscle at the front of the upper
arm has to shorten and bunch up. To unbend the arm other muscles in the
back of the arm have to shorten. These two sets of muscles - the front and
the back - are said to act in opposition to each other. When one set is
working, the other set is usually relaxed. But there are times when both of
them work. Sometimes muscles are called upon to do more than simply pull in
one direction. They may have to perform a turning motion. To be able to do
this, the muscle must be attached to the bone at an angle. By pulling, the
muscle can cause the bone to pivot. A few muscles have special functions.
The diaphragm, for example, forces the lungs to take in air. This part of
breathing is not primarily a bone moving operation.
肌肉和人体  骨骼运动发生在人体的关节部位。这种运动是由称为肌肉的片状或条状的 强韧组织拖动而引起的。
肌肉组织有一种特殊的收缩能力,可以带动与之相连的骨骼。 肌 肉在收缩的同时,也会聚成团。 肌肉以条状或片状形式布满全身,存在于皮肤与骨架之间。
骨骼是身体的支架,而肌肉则构成了人的体形。  大多数肌肉接两块骨头,但当肌肉收缩时 只有一块骨头运动。
肌肉与不动骨相连的一端叫肌起端,与动骨相连的一端叫附着端。 有 些肌肉不与骨骼直接相连,而是连着附在骨骼上的不能收缩的带状组织或腱上。  肌肉不能
推动而只能拉动骨骼。  要从肘部弯曲手臂,就要收缩上臂正面的肌肉。  要伸直手臂,背面 的肌肉就得收缩。 
这两组肌肉,正面的和背面的,称为相反运动肌肉。  当一组工作时,另 一组就休息。  但有时它们也一起工作。  有时我们要求肌肉不仅仅做简单的单向拖动。
 它 们需要转动。  但只有当肌肉与骨骼形成一定角度时,它们才能转动,从而拖动骨骼绕某个 轴旋转。  有几块肌肉的作用较特殊,例如隔膜肌。 
它带动肺部吸入空气。  呼吸基本上不 是骨骼运动带动的。
>60 Colds and Age
A critical factor that  plays a part  in susceptibility to colds is age. A
study done by the University of Michigan School of Public Health revealed
particulars that seem to hold true for the general population. Infants  are
the most cold ridden  group, averaging more than six colds in their first
years. Boys have more colds than girls up to age three. After the age of
three, girls are more susceptible than boys, and teenage girls average
three colds a year to boys' two. The general incidence of colds continues
to decline into maturity. Elderly people who are in good health have as few
as  one or  two colds annually. One exception  is found among  people  in 
their twenties, especially women, who show a rise in cold infections,
because people in this age group are most likely to have young children.
Adults who  delay having children until their  thirties and forties
experience the same sudden increase in cold infections. The study also
found that economics plays an important role. As income increases, the
frequency at which colds are reported in the family decreases. Families
with the lowest income suffer about a third more colds than families at the
upper end. Lower income  generally forces people to live  in more cramped
quarters than those typically occupied by wealthier people, and crowding
increases the opportunities for the cold virus to  travel from person  to
person. Low income  may also adversely  influence diet. The  degree to
which poor nutrition affects susceptibility to colds is not yet clearly
established, but an inadequate diet is suspected of lowering resistance
generally.
感冒与年龄
年龄是人们是否易患感冒的一个重要因素。  密歇根大学公共卫生学院揭示了一些对人 们普遍适用的细节。
婴儿期是最易感冒的时期,从出生到一周岁平均感冒六次。 在三周岁 前,男孩比女孩感冒次数要多。  但三周岁后,女孩就更易感冒了。  十几岁的女孩年平均感
冒三次,男孩则为两次。  一般说来,随着年龄的增长,感冒的次数也越来越少。  健康的老 年人每年只感冒一至两次或更少。
但在二十至三十岁之间的人尤其是妇女出现了例外。 他 们感冒的次数有所增加,其原因在于人们通常在这一时期带养小孩。  那些晚育至三十几岁
或四十几岁才有孩子的人,在那一时期感冒次数也会突然增加。  研究还发现,经济状况与 感冒息息相关。 随着收入的增加,家庭成员的感冒次数呈下降趋势。
家境贫寒的人感冒次 数要比最富裕的人多三分之一。 低收入者被迫挤住在比富人居所狭小得多的空间里。 拥挤 的状况为感冒病菌的传播提供了条件。
低收入同样不利于合理的饮食结构。 营养不良到底 对患感冒造成多大的影响目前尚不清楚,但不合理的饮食通常降低了人体的抵抗力。
>61 Pottery
Ancient people  made clay pottery because they needed it for their
survival. They used the pots they made for cooking, storing food, and
carrying things from place to place. Pottery was so important to early
cultures that scientists now study it to learn more about ancient
civilizations. The  more advanced the pottery in terms of decoration,
materials, glazes and manufacture, the more advanced the culture itself.
The  artisan  who  makes  pottery  in  North  America  today  utilizes  his
 or  her  skill  and imagination  to  create  items  that  are  beautiful 
as  well  as  functional,  transforming  something ordinary into something
special and unique.
The  potter uses one of  the Earth's  most basic  materials,  clay. Clay
can be found almost anywhere. Good pottery clay  must be free from  all
small stones and other hard  materials  that would make the  potting 
process  difficult. Most North American artisan  potters now purchase
commercially processed clay, but some find the clay they need right in the
earth close to where they work.
The most important tools potters use are their own hands; however, they
also use wire loop tools, wooden  modeling tools, plain wire, and sponges.
Plain wire is  used to cut away the finished pot from its base on the
potter's wheel.
After a finished pot is dried of all its moisture in the open air, it is
placed in a kiln and fired. The first firing hardens the pottery, and it is
then ready to be glazed and fired again.
For areas where they do not want any glaze, such as the bottom of the pot,
artisans paint on melted wax that will later burn off in the kiln. They
then pour on the liquid glaze and let it run over the clay surface, making
any kind of decorative pattern that they want.
陶器古代人制作陶器是因为他们的生存需要它。  他们用这些自制的盆盆罐罐来做饭、 装食物、储运东西。 
陶器在早期文化中占据了如此重要的地位,以致于科学家们现在通过 研究陶器来获取对古代文明的更多的了解。  因为陶器的装饰、材料、釉彩、制作等工艺越
发达就说明这种文明越发达。  今天,北美的陶艺匠人运用他们的技艺和想象力创造出了既 美观又实用的陶艺制品,把日常用品变为独特的艺术品。 
制陶匠人使用大地上最基本的原
材料--粘土。  粘土几乎随处可见,但好的制陶所用的粘土必须不含小沙粒或任何硬物,否 则会给制陶过程带来不便。 
现在大多数北美制陶艺人买现成的专用陶土,也有些陶匠乐于 就地取材,在作坊附近自己挖粘土。  制陶器最重要的工具是工匠们自己的双手,但有时他
们也用些别的工具,如绳圈、木模、素线、海绵等。  素线的作用是当一件陶器完成后用它 把陶器从转盘上的基座上切下来。 
陶器成形后,首先要在空气中自然风干,再放到窑中焙 烧。  第一遍焙烧使得陶器变得坚硬,下一步就是给它上釉彩,然后再焙烧。  陶器上有些地
方不需上釉彩,像罐子底部,匠人们就在这些部位涂上蜡,一加热就会化掉。  然后匠人们 把釉彩液体浇上陶器表面,绘制他们想要的任何图案。
>62 Mimicry in Plants
Plant adaptations can be remarkably complex. Certain species of orchids,
for instance, imitate female bees, other plants look and smell like dead
animals, and still others have the appearance of stones. These strange
adaptations to life represent just a few of the sophisticated means by
which plants enhance their chances of survival. Mimicry in plants or
animals is a three part system. There is a model: the animal, plant or
substrate being initiated. There is a mimic: the organism that imitates the
model. And  there is a  signal  receiver  or dupe:  the animal that cannot
effectively distinguish  between  the  model  and  the  mimic.  Mimetic 
traits  may  include  morphological structures, color patterns, behaviors
or other attributes of the mimic that promote its resemblance to  a model.
That model may be  either an unrelated species  or  an inanimate object,
such  as  the background against which an organism spends most of its time.
Mimicry is not an active strategy on the part of an individual plant;
flowers do not deliberately trick or deceive animals into visiting them.
Mimicry arises  as the result of  evolution through  natural selection and
the  occurrence  of random  genetic  mutations  that  lead  over  many 
generations  to  the  appearance  of  favorable characteristics. If such
traits help to camouflage a plant, for example, the plant is likely to have
a survival  advantage  over other plants that are less well camouflaged.
The plant will  leave more descendants, thereby passing the advantage to
the next generation. For natural selection to favor the evolution of
mimicry, the mimicry must derive a reproductive advantage from modeling
itself after another organism or object: its fitness, measured as the
number of offspring produced that survive into the next generation, must be
increased as the result of deception.
植物拟态植物的适应性极为复杂。  某种兰花模仿雌蜂,还有些植物看上去或嗅起来象 死去的动物,更有些植物具有石头的外表。 
这些稀奇古怪的适应性不过是植物的众多求生 手段中的一小部分罢了。  动植物的拟态包括三方面的内容:一是被模仿者,动物,植物或
是生态基层,二是模仿者,即那些去模拟其它东西的生物,三是上当受骗者,即不能分辨模 仿者与被模仿者的动物。 
被模仿特征包括形态结构,色彩花纹,动作习性或其它模仿者实 现它与被模仿者相似的特点。  被模仿者可以是其它种类的生物或非生命物,如栖居地的环 境。 
拟态并非某个植物主动的策略。  花朵并非故意诱骗动物来访。  拟态是无数代自然选 择和遗传变异的进化而获得的有利特征的结果。 
比如,有些特征有利于伪装,那么具有这 些特征的植物就比不具有的易于生存。  这种植物就会有更多的后代,并把这些特征代代相 传。
要让自然选择惠顾模仿者的进化,模仿者必须在模仿其它生物或物体中得到繁殖优势: 它的适应能力,以存活至下一代的幼兽的数目来衡量,必定因为欺骗而加强了。
>63 Oil and Water
To understand the emulsifying process, we must first accept the scientific
principle that oil and water do not naturally mix. Quite literally, they
find each other's presence repulsive. A good illustration of  this aversion
 is homemade  oil and vinegar salad dressing.When you shake or beat your
salad dressing, you do more than disperse the oil throughout the vinegar:
you also break down the oil into droplets minute enough to remain
temporarily suspended in the vinegar (which from now on we will call water,
because that tart condiment is in effect mainly water). The second you 
stop  agitating  the  dressing,  the  oil  droplets  start  to  combine 
into  units  too  large  to  be suspended in the water, and thus slither
their way upward, separating from the water in the process. The oil rises
to the top and the water sinks because oil has a lower specific density
than water. If you want a stable emulsion, you need an emulsifying agent
which prevents the oil droplets from combining  into  larger  units. 
Emulsifying  agents  occur  naturally  in  many  animal  substances
including egg yolks and milk. An emulsifying agent helps to keep the oil
particles from combining in three basic ways. First, the agent coats the
oil, serving as a physical barrier between the droplets. Second, it reduces
the water's surface tension, which, in turn, reduces the water's ability to
repulse oil. Third, the agent gives the surfaces of the oil droplets
identical electrical charges; since like charges repel each other the
droplets repel each other.
油和水为理解乳化过程的发生,我们必须首先认识到这样一条科学原理:水和油不能自 然混合,它们实实在在互相排斥。 家制的油醋沙拉调料就是一个好例子。
当你搅拌沙拉调 料时,你不仅使油扩散到醋里,而且使油滴被搅得很小可以悬浮在醋中(自此我们改称它为 水,因为事实上这种酸性调味品的主要成份就是水)。 
一旦你停止了搅动,油滴就会凝聚, 大到再也不能悬浮在水中时,它们就向上滑动出来而与水分离了。  因为油的密度小,所以 油会浮在水上。
如果想得到稳定的乳化,就需要一种乳化剂。 它可以不让油形成大的油滴。 自然界中,很多动物体中含有乳化剂,如蛋黄和牛奶。 
乳化剂可以从以下三方面阻止油滴 凝聚。  一、  乳化剂包裹住油滴,在油滴间形成一道物质屏障。  二、  乳化剂降低水的表面
张力,从而降低了水排斥油的能力。  三、  乳化剂使油滴表面带上了同种电荷,因为同种电 荷互相排斥,油滴之间也相互排斥。
>64 Salt and Metabolism
Just how salt became so crucial to our metabolism is a mystery; one
appealing theory traces our dependence on it to the chemist ry of the late
Cambrian seas. It was there, a half billion years ago, that tiny  metazoan
organisms first evolved systems for sequestering and circulating fluids.
The water of the early oceans might thus have become the chemical prototype
for the fluids of all animal life - the medium in which cellular operations
could continue no matter how the external environment changed. This
speculation is based on the fact that, even today, the blood serums of
radically divergent species are remarkably similar. Lizards, platypuses,
sheep, and humans could hardly be more different in anatomy or eating
habits, yet the salt content in the fluid surrounding their blood cells is
virtually identical. As early marine specics made their way to fresh water
and eventually to  dry land, sodium remained a key ingredient  of their
interior,  if not their exterior,
milieu. The most successful mammalian species would have been those that
developed efficient hormonal  systems  for  maintaining  the  needed 
sodium  concentrations.  The  human  body,  for example, uses the hormones
renin, angiotensin, and aldosterone to retain or release tissue fluids and 
blood plasma.  The result, under favorable conditions, is a  dynamic
equilibrium in which neither fluid volume nor sodium concentration
fluctuates too dramatically. But  if the  body is deprived of salt, the
effects soon become dangerous, despite compensatory mechanisms. 盐与新
陈代谢盐为何成为人类新陈代谢的关键是一个谜;一个富有吸引力的理论认为我们对盐的依 赖可从寒武纪海洋的化学变化中得到线索。 
五亿年前,就是在那里,微小的后生动物首先 进化成与外隔绝的循环液体系统。  因此,早期海洋里的水可能是所有动物体内液体的化学
原型--一个无论外界环境如何改变,其细胞活动仍将继续的环境。  这个设想是建立这一事 实基础上:  即使是在今天,物种迥异的众多动物血清非常相似。 
蜥蜴、鸭嘴兽、绵羊和人 类,在解剖学和饮食习惯上完全不同,但细胞周围的液体中的盐含量却基本上是相等的。 在
海洋生物向淡水区域并最终向陆地移动的过程中,盐始终是它们生存环境--如果不是外部环 境,其码也是内部环境中的关键成份。 
最高级的哺乳类动物为保持所需的盐浓度而进化出 了高效的内分泌系统。 例如,人体为了保留或释放组织液体和血浆而使用高血压蛋白原酶、
血管紧张素、醛固酮等激素。  这样在有利的环境下,液体与其中盐浓度之间形成的动态平 衡,两者均不致出现大起大落。 
但如果身体里丧失了的盐分,尽管有各种的补偿机制,后 果将马上极其危险。
>65   The   Early   Settlers   in   North America
The North American frontier changed some of  the  characteristics  of the pioneers of the 1750's and intensified others. They were, as a group, semiliterate, proud,and stubborn, as dogged in their insistence on their own way of life as
pine roots cracking granite to grow. Perhaps their greatest resource was
their capacity to endure. They outlasted recurrent plagues of smallpox and
malaria  and  a  steady  progression  of  natural  accidents.  They  were 
incredibly  prolific.  Squire Boone's family of eight children was small 
by frontier standards. James Roberson, an  eventual neighbor of  Boone's
and the founder of Nashville,  had eleven children.  Twice married John
Sevier, the first governor of Tennessee, fathered eighteen; his longtime
enemy, John Tipton, also twice married, produced seventeen. The entire
assets of one of these huge families often amounted, in the beginning, to
little more than an axe, a hunting knife, an auger, a rifle, a horse or
two, some cattle and a few pigs, a sack of corn seed and another of salt,
perhaps a crosscut saw, and a loom. Those who moved first into a new region
lived for months at a time on wild meat, Indian maize, and native fruits in
season. Yet if they were poor at the beginning, they confidently expected
that soon they would be rich. In a way almost impossible to define to urban
dwellers, a slice of ground suitable for farming represented not  just
dollars and  cents,  but  dignity. The  obsession  brought shiploads of
yearners every week to Boston, New York, Philadelphia, Baltimore, Charles
Towne, and Savannah. It sent them streaming westward into the wilderness
after their predecessors  to raise still more children who wanted still
more land.
北美早期殖民者北美的边远地区改变了 18 世纪 50 年代拓荒者的一些特点,而强化了他
们的另一些特点。  作为一个整体,他们是半文盲,高傲并且顽固。  他们坚持自己的生活方 式就象松树根在花岗石中爆缝生长。
也许,他们最大的资源是忍耐能力。 他们熬过了经常 性的天花、疟疾等瘟疫及一系列自然灾难。  他们出奇地多育。  依他们的标准,斯夸尔布恩
有八个孩子是少的了。  最后成了布恩的邻居并且是那士维的建造者的詹姆士·罗伯逊有 11 个孩子。 
曾结过两次婚的约翰·塞维尔--田纳西州的第一位州长,生了 18 个孩子,他长期 的仇敌,约翰·提普敦也结过两次婚并有 17 个孩子。 
最初,在这些庞大的家庭中,全部的 财产合起来也不过是一把斧头、一把猎刀和一根钻子,一条步枪,一两匹马,牛和猪,一袋
玉米种子和一袋盐,或可能还有一把锯子和一台织布机。  那些新到一个地区的人们一连数 月靠野味、印第安玉米和季节性野果维持生活。 
然而,即使最初很贫穷,他们自信很快就 会富起来。 一块适合耕种的土地不仅仅代表着金钱,更意味着尊严。 这一点是无法向城市 居民解释的。 
这一固执的想法每周都将整船整船的渴望者带往波士顿、纽约、费城、巴尔 的摩、查尔斯城和萨瓦那。  跟随着他们的先行者,这些渴望的人们象潮水一般涌向荒野,
去生养更多的子女,而这些子女又将需求更多的土地。
>66 Plants in the Deserts
Some cacti, like the saguaro, grow to tree size, but true trees need more
moisture than most desert environments can supply, so they are scarce on
deserts. Close to streambeds, cottonwoods can sometimes be found. Though
these streams are dry most of the year, water flows there longest and is
usually available fairly close to the surface. Elsewhere, trees must send
taproots deep into the hard baked desert soil to draw on underground water.
Perhaps the most widespread family of trees on the world's deserts is the
acacia, whose taproots drill down as far as 25 feet
(7. 5 meters). The mesquite common on North American deserts in both tree
and shrub forms, does not begin to grow above ground until its root system
is completely developed, ensuring the plant a supply of moisture. The roots
of shrubs and trees help to hold the desert soil in place. Their stalks and
branches also act as screens to keep the wind from sweeping great drifts of
sand along the surface. These services are vital if a desert is to support
life. Scientists estimate that a desert needs year round plant cover over
20 to 40 percent of its surface. If shrubs are too far apart - separated by
a distance greater than five times their height - soil around them is
likely to blow away. Without the shelter of established shrubs, new
seedlings will have difficulty in getting a start. On the other hand,
plants that are too close together may compete for underground moisture. To
protect themselves from this competition some shrubs give off a substance
that kills young plants that sprout too close to them. In addition to a few
varieties of trees and tough shrubs, most deserts have grasses, herbs, and
other annual plants. These do not compete for moisture with the longer
lived growth. They spring up quickly after rains, when the surface is
moist. Then, for a brief time, the desert can be literally carpeted with
color. Almost as quickly as they appeared, these small plants die away. But
they have developed special ways of ensuring the life of another generation
when rains come again.
沙漠中的植物一些仙人掌,如撒瓜罗,能长到象树那么高。  但真正的树却需要比大多
数沙漠所能提供的更多的水份,所以树在沙漠里是鲜见的。在小溪河床附近,有时能发现三 角叶杨。 
尽管一年的大多数时间里这些小溪都是干涸的,那里却是水流得时间最长的地方 而且水份相当靠近地表。 
其它地方树木的主根必须深入受炙烤而坚硬的沙漠底部的土壤以 吸取地下水。  在沙漠里分布最广的树或许是刺魏,其主根能深达 25 英尺(合 7 5 米)。
 牧
豆树属植物不论是乔木和灌木,在北美沙漠中常常可见,在它根部系统完全生长发达到能保 证提供充足的水分时才长出地面。 
灌木和树的根有助于固定沙漠中的土壤,它们的茎和树 枝同时起屏障的作用,防止风从沙漠表面吹起大堆的沙。  如果沙漠要支持生命,这种作用 必不可少。 
科学家估计一年之中植物必须覆盖沙漠表面的  20%到  40%。  如果灌木间隔太 远--大于它们高度的 5 倍--周围的土壤就可能被吹走。
如果没有这些灌木作为保护,新的种 子很难生长。  另一方面,植物相互靠得太近却会引起竞争地下水分。  为避免竞争,一些灌
木会释放一种物质来杀死那些距他们太近发芽的植物。  除了一些种类的树木和顽强的灌木 外,大多数沙漠里还有青草、草本植物和其它年生植物。 
它们并不与长期生长的树木竞争 水份。当雨后地表还潮湿时它们就迅速发芽,然后在一个短时间里,给沙漠铺上绿色地毯。
这些小植物很快就消失了,几乎就象它们长出来时那样迅速,但它们已发展了特殊方式来保 证在下次降雨来时下一代的生命。
>67 The American Civil War
The military aspect  of the  United States Civil War  has always attracted
the  most attention from scholars. The roar of gunfire, the massed
movements of uniformed men, the shrill o f bugles, and the drama of hand to 
hand combat have facinated students of warfare for a century. Behind the
lines, however, life was less spectacular. It was the story of back 
breaking labor to provide the fighting men with food and arms, of nerve 
tingling uncertainty about the course of national events, of heartbreak
over sons or brothers or husbands lost in battle. If the men on the firing
line won the victories, the means to those victories were  forged on  the
home front.  Never in the nation's history had Americans worked harder for
victory than in the Civil War. Northerners and Southerners  alike  threw 
themselves  into  the  task  of  supplying  their  respective  armies. 
Both governments  made  tremendous  demands  upon   civilians  and,  in  
general,  received  willing cooperations. By 1863 the Northern war economy
was rumbling along in high gear. Everything from steamboats to shovels was
needed and  produced. Denied Southern  cotton, textile mills turned to wool
for blankets and uniforms. Hides by the hundreds of thousands were turned
into shoes  and  harness  and  saddles;  ironworks  manufactured 
locomotives,  ordnance,  armor  plate. Where private enterprise lagged, the
government set up its own factories or arsenals. Agriculture boomed, with
machinery doing the job of farm workers drawn into the army. In short,
everything that a nation needed to fight a modern war was produced in
uncounted numbers. Inevitably there were  profiteers  with  gold   headed 
canes  and  flamboyant  diamond  stickpins,  but  for  every crooked tycoon
there were thousands of ordinary citizens living on fixed incomes who did
their best to cope with rising prices and still make a contribution to the
war effort. Those who could bought war bonds; others knitted, sewed,
nursed, or lent any other assistance in their power.
美国内战美国内战中的军事方面一直最吸引学者们的注意。  轰隆的炮声、军人大规模 的阵式,尖锐的军号和白刃战的场面,已吸引了战争研究者们一个世纪。 
然而,在后方, 生活却没有这般壮观。那里的故事就是为作战的军人提供食物和武装而做劳累至极的工作,
对国家事态的焦虑和对在战争中失去丈夫、兄弟和儿子的撕心裂肺。  如果说前线的人们获 得了胜利,那胜利的手段就要归功于后方的人们。 
在其历史上,美国人从来没有象在内战 中那样为夺取胜利而如此努力。南方人和北方人一样投入到为各自军队供应物资的任务中。
双方政府对民众都提出巨大的要求,总的来说,得到了极积的合作。  到了 1863 年,北方战 时经济呈高速运转,从蒸气船到铁锹,一切都需要并且生产出来。
 由于没有了南方产的棉
花,纺织工厂纷纷转用毛料生产毯子和军衣。  几十万件的皮革制成了鞋、挽具和马鞍。  铁 厂生产出机车、大炮、装甲板。 
私营企业不足以承担的方面,政府就成立自己的工厂和兵 工厂。  农业迅猛发展,因为农场工人参军后机械代替了手工。  总之,国家参加现代战争所
需的多得数不清的物资都生产出来了。  不可避免地出现了一些手持镀金手杖,戴着耀眼的 钻石别针的投资商。 但每有一个奸诈的富翁就有成千上万的普通市民。
他们依靠固定的收 入尽他们最大的努力应付着上涨的物价,为战争做着贡献。 那些有能力的人购买战争债券,
其他的人编织、缝补衣服,护理伤病人或做其它一切他们力所能及的工作。
>68 Women in Colonial North America
The status of women in colonial North America has been well studied and
described and can be briefly summarized. Throughout the colonial period
there was a marked shortage of women, which varied with the regions and was
always greatest in the frontier areas. This favorable ratio enhanced
women's status and position and allowed them to pursue different careers.
The Puritans, the religious sect that dominated the early british colonies
in North America, regarded idleness as a sin, and believed that life in an
underdeveloped country made it absolutely necessary that each member of the
community perform an  economic function. Thus work for women, married or
single, was not only  approved,  it was regarded as a civic  duty. Puritan 
town councils  expected widows  and  unattached  women  to  be  self 
supporting  and  for  a  long  time  provided  needy spinsters with parcels
of land. There was no social sanction against married women working; on the
contrary, wives were expected to help their husbands in their trade and won
social approval for doing extra work in or out of the home. Needy children,
girls as well as boys, were indentured or apprenticed and were expected to
work for their keep. The vast majority of women worked within their homes,
where their labor produced most articles needed for the family. The entire
colonial production of cloth and clothing and partially that of shoes was
in the hands of women. In addition to these  occupations, women were found
in many different kinds of employment.  They were butchers,  silversmiths, 
gunsmiths  and   upholsterers.  They  ran  mills,  plantations,  tanyards,
shipyards, and every kind of shop, tavern, and boardinghouse. They were
gatekeepers, jail keepers, sextons, journalists, printers, apothecaries,
midwives, nurses, and teachers.
北美殖民时期的妇女北美殖民时期女性的社会地位曾得到过深入研究和描述,并可简短 概括。 
整个殖民时期,女性人数明显不足,各地情况不尽相同,在边远地区尤其缺少。  这 种对女性有利的比例提高了她们的社会地位和职位,使她们能追求不同的事业。 
清教徒是 早期英属殖民地的宗教主流。  它视懒惰为犯罪,认为在不发达农村社区的每一个成员都必 须发挥经济作用。
所以已婚或单身女性工作不仅是许可的,而且被认为是公民的义务。 清 教徒的镇议会认为寡妇和未婚女性也应该自食其力,而且在相当长一段时期里,向贫困的老
而未婚的女子提供土地。  社会不反对已婚妇女工作;相反,要求她们帮助丈夫从事他们的 行当。 在家庭内外做额外劳动的妻子们会得到社会的赞同。
贫困的儿童,女孩和男孩一样, 也要签师徒契约做学徒,想保住这个生计就要工作。  绝大多数女性在家庭里劳动,生产大 部分家用必需品。
殖民时期全部的布料和衣服以及一部分的鞋都出自女性的双手。 除了从 事这些职业,妇女也从事许多不同类型的职业,如做屠夫、铁匠、军械工和家俱修理工。 她
们经营手工作坊、种植园、制革场、造船厂和各类商店、小旅馆和供膳寄宿处。  她们当守 门人或狱卒,教堂司事、记者、印刷工、药剂师、助产士、护士和教师。
>69 The Revolution in American

Higher Education To produce the upheaval in the United States that changed
and modernized the domain of higher education from the mid 1860's to the
mid 1880's, three primary causes interacted. The emergence of a half dozen
leaders in education provided the personal force that was  needed. 
Moreover,  an  outcry  for  a  fresher,  more  practical,  and  more 
advanced  kind  of instruction arose among the alumni and friends of nearly
all of the old colleges and grew into a movement  that overrode all
conservative opposition. The  aggressive  "Young  Yale"  movement appeared,
demanding partial alumni control, a more liberal spirit, and a broader
course of study. The  graduates of Harvard college simultaneously  rallied
to relieve the college's poverty and demand new enterprise. Education was
pushing toward higher standards in the East by throwing off church
leadership everywhere, and in the West by finding a wider range of studies
and a new sense of public duty. The  old style  classical education
received its  most crushing blow in the citadel of Harvard College, where
Dr. Charles Eliot,  a young captain  of thirty five, son  of a former
treasurer of Harvard, led the progressive forces. Five revolutionary
advances were made during the first years of Dr. Eliot's administration.
They were the elevation and amplification of entrance requirements, the 
enlargement  of the  curriculum and the  development  of the  elective
system, the recognition of graduate study in the liberal arts, the raising
of professional training in law, medicine, and  engineering to a
postgraduate level, and  the fostering of greater  maturity in students'
life. Standards of admission were sharply advanced in 1872-1873 and
1876-1877. By the appointment of a  dean to take  charge of student
affairs, and a wise handling  of  discipline, the undergraduates were led
to regard themselves more as young gentlemen and less as young animals. One
new course of study after another was opened up - science, music, the
history of the fine arts, advanced Spanish, political economy, physics,
classical philology, and international law.
美国高等教育的革命从 19 世纪 60 年代中期到 19 世纪 80 年代中期,改变了美国高等教 育并使其现代化的激变有三个互相作用的因素。 
六位教育界领导者的出现保证了所需的人 力因素。  除此之外,要求更新、更实用、更高层次的教育呼声在几乎所有老式学院的校友
和朋友间升起并发展成压倒所有保守派的一场运动。  咄咄逼人的"青年耶鲁"运动出现了,
要求校友具有部分控制,更自由的精神和更广的选课范围。哈佛学院的毕业生同时团结起来 缓解学校的贫困状况并要求新的事业。 
在东部地区的高等学府抛弃了教堂的领导,西部地 区的学校则扩大了学习范围,树立了一种新的社会责任感,由此教育不断地被推向更高的标 准。
在哈佛学院的城堡里,旧式的经典教育受到了最毁灭性的打击。 哈佛以前一个财政主 管的儿子,35 岁的年轻领袖查尔斯·艾略特博士,领导了进步的力量。 
在他管理学院的第 一年取得了五个革命性的进展。  那就是提高和加强入学要求,扩充课程和发展选修课,承
认大学文科的研究生学习,将法学、医学和工程学的职业训练提高到研究生水平和促进学生 生活的成熟。  入学标准在 1872~1873 年及 1876
年~1877 年急剧提高。  由于采用了学生 事务院长负责制和明智的处理纪律的手段,大学生把自己更多地看作是年轻的绅士,而不是 年轻的动物。 
学校开设了一个又一个的新课程--自然科学、音乐、美术史、高级西班牙语、 政治经济学、物理、古典语言学和国际法。
>70 Garza's Art Works
Carmen Lomas Garza's eloquent etchings, lithographs, and gouache paintings
depict primal images of the rural environment and communal cultural
experience of Mexican decended people in  the  United  States.  In  an 
introspective  and  personal  language,  she  describes  the  customs,
traditions, a nd ways of life of her Texan Mexican heritage.By 1972, Lomas
Garza had evolved her distinctive monitos, paintings of stylized figures in
culturally specific social environments. She transposes images and scenes
from her past, combining cultural documentation with invention in an
interplay of fact and fiction. Through selection, emphasis, and creation,
these monitos delineate facets of experience, expressing deeper truths.
Oral tradition is a mainstay of Chicano culture. In both urban and rural
communities, a rich and varied repertoire of ballads, tales, and poetic
forms is preserved in memory and passed from generation to generation.
Lomas Garza's monitos function as an oral tradition in visual form. Her
unique art of storytelling employs iconographic elements to create  a 
concentrated  narration.  Visual  episodes  within  an  unfolding  epic 
tale  of  cultural regeneration,  the monitos  keep  alive the customs and 
daily practices that  give  meaning  and coherence to Chicano identity.
Their basic aim is to delight and instruct. For those outside Chicano
culture, the  precise  and minutely detail  ed monitos  provide  a glimpse
into  the rich and  vibrant lifestyl  e  of  the  largest  Spanish speaking
 cultural  group  within  the  United  States  society. Although her art
has an innocent earnestness and folkloric affinity, Lomas Garza's
expression is neither naive nor instinctive. The artist is highly trained
academically, but has chosen to remain independent of  dominant  artistic
trends in order  to work toward  a  private  aesthetic response to social
concerns. While her work does not posit an overt political statement, it
originates from a desire to respo nd to the contemporary situation of
Mexican Americans by expressing positive images of their culture.
加扎的艺术作品卡门·洛玛斯·加扎富有表现力的蚀刻画、平刻画和树胶水彩画,描绘 了美国墨西哥后裔居住的乡村环境和群体的文化经验中的原始形象。 
她用一种反省和个性 化的语言,描绘了得克萨斯州墨西哥后裔的风俗、传统和生活方式。  到 1972 年为止,洛玛 斯·加扎已逐渐完成了风格独特的
monitos。 这是将风格化的人物置身于特定的社会文化环 境中的系列画作。她从自己的经验中移植出来一些形象和场景,用虚构和现实的交融,实现
了文化注释和艺术创造的结合。  通过挑选、突出和虚构的手段,这些画勾勒了人情事故的 各个方面,并表现了更深层的真实。 
口语传统是美国墨西哥文化的主流。  在城市和农村, 人们在记忆中保留了各类民谣、传说和诗歌并世代相传。  洛玛斯·加扎的 monitos,以可视
的形象表现了这一口语传统。 她独一无二的艺术,用肖像法的元素创造了高度凝炼的叙事。 作为逐渐展开的文化更新史诗中的视觉片断,monitos 
生动地表现了赋予墨裔美国人有价值 及完整的认同感的习俗和日常生活。 这些画的根本目的是给人娱悦和教育。 对墨西哥文化
以外的人来说,这些画准确而细致地描绘了美国社会中最大的西班牙语文化群的丰富和充满 活力的生活方式。 
尽管她的艺术天真、诚挚并与民间艺术有极深的渊源,洛玛斯·加扎的 表现手法却绝不幼稚也并不是仅仅出于本能。 这位艺术家在学术上受过高度训练。 她选择
独立于艺术主流之外,目的是对社会的良心做出个性化的美学反应。  尽管她的作品未提出
公开的政治宣言,但却是发源于通过描述墨美文化中的正面形象来反映墨美人目前处境的愿 望。
>71 The Alaska Pipeline
The Alaska pipeline starts  at the frozen  edge  of the  Arctic ocean. It
stretches southward across  the  largest and northernmost state in  the
United States,  ending at a remote ice free seaport  village  nearly  800 
miles  from  where  it  begins.  It  is  massive  in  size  and  extremely
complicated to operate. The steel  pipe crosses windswept  plains  and 
endless miles of  delicate tundra that tops the frozen ground. It weaves
through crooked canyons, climbs sheer mountains, plunges over rocky crags,
makes its way through thick forests, and passes over or under hundreds of
rivers and streams. The pipe is 4 feet in diameter, and up to 2 million
barrels (or 84 million gallons) of crude  oil  can  be pumped through it
daily. Resting on  H shaped steel racks called
"bents", long sections of the pipeline follow a zigzag course high above
the frozen earth. Other long sections drop out of sight beneath spongy or
rocky ground and return to the surface later on. The pattern of the
pipeline's up and down route is determined by the often harsh demands of
the Arctic and subarctic climate, the tortuous lay of the land, and the
varied compositions of soil, rock, or permafrost(permanently frozen
ground). A little more than half of the pipeline is elevated above the
ground. The remainder is buried anywhere from 3 to 12 feet, depending
largely upon the type of  terrain and  the properties of  the soil. One of 
the  largest  in  the world, the pipeline cost approximately  $8 billion
and is by far the biggest and most expensive construction project ever
undertaken by private industry. In fact, no single business could raise
that much money, so 8 major oil companies formed a consortium in order to
share the costs. Each company controlled oil rights to  particular  shares 
of  land  in  the  oil  fields  and  paid  into  the  pipeline construction
 fund according  to  the  size  of  its  holdings.  Today,  despite 
enormous  problems  of  climate,  supply shortages, equipment breakdowns,
labor disagreements,  treacherous terrain, a certain amount of
mismanagement, and even theft, the Alaska pipeline has been completed and
is operating.
阿拉斯加输油管阿拉斯加输油管道以北冰洋的冻冰边缘为起点,向南延伸穿过美国的最 北又是最大的州,在离起点 800 英里以外的一个偏僻的不冻海港中止。 
它跨幅巨大,而且 运作极端复杂。  这个钢质管道穿过强风不断的草原和无边无尽的覆盖于冻土之上的苔原。
它盘垣于弯曲的峡谷之间,攀上陡峭的山峰,从岩石遍布的峭壁俯冲下来,穿越浓密的森林, 从上或从下经过成百上千  条的河流与溪水。 
管道的直径有四英尺,每天能运送高达  200 百万桶(合 8400 万加仑)的原油。 枕在 H 型的铁架上,管道长长的一部分在冰冻地面的上空
走着"之"字形。 其它部分消失在松软或坚硬的地面下然后又回到地面上。 管道这种或上或
下的路线决定于严酷的极带和副极带气候、复杂的地形和构造各异的土壤、岩石、永久冻土。 一大半管道悬在地面上空,其余部分则埋入 3 至 12 英尺的地下。
深浅大部分由地形状况和 土壤特征而定。 作为世上最大的管道之一,它花费了将近 80 亿美元,至今仍是私有产业进 行的最浩大最昂贵的建筑工程。
实际上,单个公司不可能拿出这么多的资金。 为了分担成 本,八大石油公司组成了一个大财团。  每个公司都控制着油田中一定土地上的开采权,并
由股份的比例把资金投入到管道建设中。  尽管有气候严寒、供应不足、设备损坏、劳工纠
纷、地形复杂等巨大困难,并有一些管理上的不善甚至被盗现象,阿拉斯加管道现已峻工并 正在运行。
>72 The Satiric Literature
Perhaps  the  most  striking  quality  of  satiric  literature  is  its 
freshness,  its  originality  of perspective. Satire rarely offers original
ideas. Instead, it presents the familiar in a new form. Satirists do not
offer the world new philosophies. What they do is to look at familiar
conditions from a perspective that makes these conditions seem foolish,
harmful, or affected. Satire jars us out  of  complacence  into  a  
pleasantly  shocked  realization   that  many  of  the   values  we
unquestioningly accept are false. Don Quixote derides the stupidity of
knights Brave New World ridicules  the pretensions of  science; A Modest
Proposal  dramatizes starvation by  advocating cannibalism. None of these
ideas is original. Chivalry was suspect before Cervantes, humanists
objected to the claims of pure science before Aldous Huxley, and people
were aware of famine before Swift.  It was not the originality of the  idea
that made these satires  popular. It was the manner of expression, the
satiric method that made them interesting and entertaining. Satires are
read  because  they  are  aesthetically  satisfying  works  of  art,  not 
because  they  are  morally wholesome   or   ethically   instructive.  
They   are   stimulating   and   refreshing   because   with commonsense
briskness they brush away illusions and secondhand opinions. With
spontaneous irreverence,   satire   rearranges   perspectives,     
scrambles   familiar   objects   into   incongruous juxtaposition, and
speaks in a personal idiom instead of abstract platitude.
Satire exists because there is need for it. It has lived because readers
appreciate a refreshing stimulus,  an    irreverent  reminder  that  they 
live  in  a  world  of  platitudinous  thinking,  cheap moralizing, and
foolish philosophy. Satire serves to prod people into an awareness of
truth, though rarely to any action on behalf of truth. Satire tends to
remind people that much of what they see, hear, and read in popular media
is sanctimonious, sentimental, and only partially true. Life resembles in
only a slight degree the popular image of it. Soldiers rarely hold the 
ideals that movies  attribute  to  them,  nor  do  ordinary  citizens 
devote  their  lives  to  unselfish  service  of humanity. Intelligent
people know these things but tend to forget them when they do not hear them
expressed.
讽刺文学或许讽刺文学最显著的特点是其视角的新颖性和独特性。  讽刺作品很少有创 造性的思想。 相反,它用一种新的形式把人们熟悉的东西呈现出来。
讽刺作家没有为世界 贡献新的哲学。  他们所做的就是采取这样一种立场来看待熟悉的环境,使得它们看上去愚 蠢、有害或者造作。 
讽刺作品使我们排除了自满情绪,并愉快地惊叹道许多我们毫无疑问 地接受的价值观是错误的。 《堂吉诃德》使骑士看起来愚蠢可笑; 《奇妙的新世界》嘲弄
了科学的自命不凡;《温和的建议》戏剧性地提倡同类相食来消灭饥饿。 所有这些观点都不 是创造性的。 
在塞万提斯以前骑士制度就受到了怀疑,在阿尔道斯·赫胥黎以前的人文主 义者就反对纯科学的主张,而且在斯威夫特以前就认识了饥荒。  并不是独创性的思考使这
些讽刺作品变得流行,而是表达的方式、讽刺的方法手段使它们变得有趣和引人入胜。  人
们读讽刺作品是因为在美感上它们是令人满意的艺术作品,而不是因为道德的完美和伦理的
说教。它们有启发性、使人耳目一新是因为它们用简明的常识洗刷去了幻觉和旧的观点。讽
刺作品用自然的嘲讽态度重新设置了观点,将熟悉的事物自相矛盾地置在一起。  讽刺文学 用自己的语言,而不是采用抽象的陈词滥调来表达。
讽刺作品的存在是由于有需求。 它的 存在是因为读者欣赏使人耳目一新的刺激,毫不客气地提醒他们活在一个思相陈腐、道德低 廉、哲学荒谬的世界里。 
讽刺作品有助于促进人们认识真相,虽然很少促动人们为真理而 行动。  它有助于提醒人们日常媒介中所见所闻所谈的许多东西是假装神圣、感情用事或半
真半假。  生活只在很少程度上与它流行的映像相象,战士很少有电影赋予他们的完美,一 般的公民也很少奉献他们的生命为人类无私的服务。 
明智的人们了解这些事理,但当他们 没有听到这些事理,就倾向于把它们忘掉。
>73 The Microscopic Technique
Each advance in microscopic technique has provided scientists with new
perspectives on the function of living organisms and the nature of matter
itself. The invention of the visible   light microscope late in the
sixteenth century introduced a previously unknown realm of single celled
plants and animals. In the twentieth century, electron microscopes have
provided direct views of viruses and  minuscule surface structures. Now
another type of microscope, one that utilizes  x rays rather than light or
electrons, offers a different way of examining tiny details; it should
extend human perception still farther into the natural world. The dream of
building an x ray microscope dates to  back 1895;  its development, however
was  virtually halted in  the  1940's because the development of the
electron  microscope was progressing rapidly.  During the 1940's, electron
microscopes  routinely  achieved  resolution  better  than  that  poss 
ible  with  a  visible   light microscope, while the performance of x ray
microscopes resisted improvement. In recent years, however, interest in x 
ray  microscopes  has revived, largely because of advances such as the
developmen t of new sources of x    ray illumination. As a result, the
brightness available today is millions of times tha t of x ray tubes,
which, for most of the century, were the only available sources  of soft x 
rays.The new  x ray  microscopes considerably improve  on  the resolution
provided  by  optical  microscopes.  They  can  also  be  used  to  map 
the  distribution  of  certain chemical elements. Some can form pictures in
extremely short times; others hold the promise of special capabilities such
as three dimensional imaging. Unlike conventional electron microscope, x 
ray microscope enables specimens to be kept in air and in water, which
means that biological samples can be studied under conditions similar to
their natural state. The illumination used, so called soft x rays in the
wavelength range of twenty to forty angstroms (an angstrom is one ten
billionth of a meter), is also sufficiently penetrating to image intact
biological cells in ma ny cases. Because of the wavelength of the  x  rays
used, soft  x ray  microscopes will never  match the highest resolution
possible with electron microscopes. Rather, their special properties will
make possible investigations that  will complement those  performed with 
light and electron  based instruments.
显微技术显微镜技术的每一个进步都给科学家提供了看待生物体的功能和其性质的新 观察方式。  16
世纪晚期可视光显微镜的发明引入了一个以前一无所知的单细胞植物和动物 的领域。  20  世纪电子显微镜提供了对病毒和极微物体的表面结构的直接观察。 
现在一种 新的显微镜,利用 X 光而不是自然可见光或电子,为观察微小细节提供了不同的观察方式, 它将扩展人类对自然世界进行的更深入的认识。 研制 X
光显微镜的梦想可追溯到 1875 年; 但它的发展却在  20  世纪  40  年代实际上停止了,因为电子显微镜的发展进行很快。  在  40
年代,电子显微镜毫无例外地比可见光显微镜获得了更好的分辨能力。  然而 X 光显微镜的 表现却没有改进。 
但近年来,对它的兴趣又复活了,这很大程度是因为例如 X 射线在新光 源上的发展的结果。 结果,今天可得到的亮度是大半个世纪以来唯一可得到的 X
光源-X 光 管的几百万倍。  新的  X  光显微镜相当大地提高了电子学显微镜提供的分辨能力。  它们也 可用来给某些化学元素绘制分布图。  某些 
X  光显微镜可以在极短的时间里成像。  另一些
可望具备三维成像的特殊功能。  与传统的电子显微镜成像术不同,X 光显微镜成像术可使 分析样本保留在空气或水中。 
这就意味着生物样品可以在与它们自然环境相近的条件下被 观察研究。  其使用的照明度,即所谓的软性 X 射线,其波长在 20 到 40 埃之间(1 米的
100 亿分之一为 1 埃)。  在许多情况下也能够穿透完整无缺的生物细胞并成像。  由于使用的 X 射线的波长使软性 X
射线显微镜永远比不上电子显微镜可能具有的最高分辨力。 不过他们 特殊的功能将可能补充那些用自然光和电子仪器所进行的观察。
 
>74 The History of Chemistry
Chemistry did not emerge as a science until after the scientific revolution
in the seventeenth century and then only rather slowly and laboriously. But
chemical knowdedge is as old as history, being almost entirely concerned
with the practical arts of living. Cooking is essentially a chemical
process; so is the melting  of  metals and the administration  of drugs and
 poisons. This  basic chemical knowledge, which was applied in most cases
as a rule of thumb, was nevertheless dependent on previous experiment. It
also served to stimulate a fundamental curiosity about the processes
themselves. New information was always being gained as artisans improved
techniques to gain better results. The  development of a scientific 
approach to chemistry  was, however, hampered by several factors. The most
serious problem was the vast range of material available and the consequent
difficulty of organizing it into some system. In addition, there were
social and intellectual difficulites, chemistry is nothing if not
practical; those who practice it must use their hands, they must have a
certain practical flair. Yet in many ancient civilizations, practical tasks
were primarily the province of a slave population. The thinker or
philosopher stood apart from this mundane world, where the practical arts
appeared to lack any intellectual content or interest. The final problem
for early chemical science was the element of secrecy. Experts in specific
trades had developed their own techniques and guarded their knowledge to
prevent others from stealing their livelihood. Another factor that
contributed to secrecy was the esoteric nature of the knowledge of a
alchemists, who were trying to transform base metals into gold or were
concerned with the hunt for the elixir that would bestow the blessing of
eternal life. In one sense, the second of these was the more serious
impediment because the records of the chemical processes that early
alchemists had discovered were often written  down in symbolic language
intelligible to very few or  in symbols that were purposely obscure. 
化学的历史化学在 17 世纪的科技革命后才成为一门科 学,其发展是缓慢而艰难的。  但化学知识却象人类历史一样古老,与人们实际生活密切相 关。 
做饭基本上是一个化学过程。  同样,金属熔炼、使用药品或毒剂也是如此。  人们在
大多数情况下只是粗糙地运用这些基本化学知识,但这些基本知识的确是来自于前人的实 验。 它们同时也激发了人们对化学本身的兴趣。
匠人们利用新技术来改良工艺,就增加了 对化学的了解。 但是,化学科学方法的发展却有许多阻碍的因素。 其中最严重的问题就是
要把浩如烟海的物质归纳为若干系统确实很困难。 此外,还有社会和知识的原因。 离开实
际用途,化学就毫无价值;研究化学的人必须亲自动手,这就要求他们要有很强的动手能力。 但在许多古代文明中,动手的活都是奴隶的行当。 
思想家与哲学家与此劳碌决不沾边,因 为在他们看来,实际操作技能低智而乏味。  最后,还有一个原因妨碍早期化学的发展,那 就是保密。
某个行家一旦发现了新技术,就竭力保密以防被人偷了饭碗。 另一个原因加剧
了知识封锁这是因为炼金术士的知识的神秘性。这些术士们要么想他便宜的金属变成黄金,
要么期望找到一种长生不老药。从某种意义上说,这第二个因素带来了更严重的阻碍,因为
早期术士们的研究成果记载于鲜为人知的或故意让人不懂的符号中。
>75 Hydrogen and Industries
Hydrogen, the lightest  and simplest of  the elements, has several 
properties that make it valuable for  many industries. It releases  more
heat  per unit of weight  than  any other fuel.  In rocket engines, tons of
hydrogen and oxygen are burned, and hydrogen is used with oxygen for
welding torches that produce temperatures as high as 4, 000 degrees F and
can be used in cutting steel. Fuel cells to generate electricity operate on
hydrogen and oxygen.
Hydrogen also serves to prevent metals from tarnishing during heat
treatments by removing the oxygen from them.  Although it would be
difficult to remove the oxygen by itself, hydrogen readily combines with
oxygen to form water, which can be heated to steam and easily removed.
Hydrogen is also useful in the food industry for a process know as
hydrogenation. Products such as margarine and cooking oils are changed from
liquids to semisolids by adding hydrogen
to their molecules. Soap manufacturers also use hydrogen for this purpose.
Hydrogen is also one of the coolest refrigerants. It does not become a
liquid until it reaches temperatures of -425 degrees F. Pure hydrogen gas
is used in large electric generators to cool the coils. In addition, in 
the  chemical industry,  hydrogen is used to produce ammonia, gasoline,
methyl alcohol, and many other important products.
氢与工业氢作为最轻和最简单的无素,有几种特性对工业非常有用。  作为燃料,它每 单位重量释放热量最多,在火箭的引擎中,成吨的氢和氧被燃烧掉。 
氢和氧合在一起用于 焊接,能够产生高达华氏四千度的高温而可以切割钢铁。发电的燃料房就是使用氢和氧。氢
也可以用来在金属热处理中通过从中除去氧的方法来防锈。虽然单独除去氧本身是困难的, 氢和氧很容易结合成水,而水是可以加热蒸发除去的。 
氢在食品工业中对于所谓的氢化过 程也很有用。 人造黄油和食用油的分子中加上氢,就由液态变成半固态。 肥皂制造商也为 此使用氢。 
氢是温度最低的冷冻剂。  它要到华氏-425 度才会液化。  纯氢被用于大型发电 机线圈的冷却。 
除此之外,在化学工业中,氢被用来制造氨、汽油、甲醇以及其它许多重 要产品。
>76 MARS
Mars According to the best evidence gathered by space probes and
astronomers, Mars is an inhospitable planet, more similar to Earth's Moon 
than to Earth  itself - a  dry, stark, seemingly lifeless world. Mars' air
pressure is equal to Earth's at an altitude of 100,000 feet. The air there
is
95% carbon dioxide. Mars has no ozone layer to screen out the Sun's lethal
radiation. Daytime temperatures may reach above freezing, but because the
planet is blanketed by the mere wisp of an atmosphere, the heat radiates
back into space. Even at the equator, the temperature drops to 50
℃  ( 60 ) at night. Today there is no liquid water, although valleys and
channels on the surface show evidence of having been carved by running
water. The polar ice caps are made of frozen water and carbon dioxide, and
water  may be frozen in the ground as permafrost. Despite these difficult
conditions, certain scientists believe that there is a possibility of
transforming Mars into a
more Earth like planet. Nuclear reactors might be used to melt frozen gases
and eventually build up the atmosphere. This in turn could  create  a
"greenhouse effect" that would stop  heat from radiating back into space.
Liquid water could be thawed to form a polar ocean. Once enough ice has
melted, suitable plants could be introduced to build up the level of oxygen
in the atmosphere so that,  in  time, the planet would support animal life
from Earth and even  permanent human colonies. "This was once thought to be
so far in the future as to be irrelevant," said Christopher McKay, a
research scientist at the National Aeronautics and Space Administration.
"But now it's starting to look  practical.  We could  begin work in  four
or five  decades."  The idea of "terra forming" Mars, as enthusiasts call
it, has its roots in science fiction. But as researchers develop a more
profound understanding of how Earth's ecology supports life, they have
begun to see how it may be possible to create similar conditions on Mars.
Don't plan on homesteading on Mars any time soon, though. The process could
take hundreds or even thousands of years to complete, and the cost would be
staggering.
火星据宇宙探测器和天文学家收集的有力证据,火星是一个人类不能居住的星球。  它 不像地球,而更像月球--一个干涸、荒芜,看上去没有任何生命的世界。 
火星的气压相当 于地球上十万英尺高空处的气压。  火星大气的构成中有 95%是二氧化碳,而且,火星上没 有能屏蔽太阳致命射线的臭氧层。 
白天,那里的温度可以达到零上,但因为包裹火星的大 气层极为稀薄,热量又会辐射回宇宙中。就算是在火星赤道,夜里的温度也在 50℃。  尽
管火星上的山谷沟渠说明它曾经被流水蚀刻过,但如今那里已没有液态水了。  极地冰帽是 由固态水和二氧化碳组成的,水也有可能存在于永久冻土之中。 
尽管困难重重,某些科学 家依然认为有可能把火星改造成类似地球的星球。  核反应可以用来融化冰冻的气体最终形
成火星大气层。由此就可以产生温室效应,阻止热量散射回宇宙中。  液化的水可以融化成 极地海洋。 足够量的冰融化后,可将地球上的植物移植上去。
植物又可以向大气层提供氧 气。  久而久之火星就可以维持从地球过去的动物生命甚至成为人类的永久居留地。  "这一
切在过去看起来遥远得近乎无稽",国家航天局的一位研究人员,克里斯托弗·麦克凯说," 但是现在已经开始展现出可能性。 
四五十年后,我们就可以着手于这项工作。"这种支持者 们称为"移居火星"的想法最早出现在科幻小说中。  但随着研究者对地球上生态如何支持生
命的理解越来越深入,在火星上创造类似地球环境也显得越来越现实。  但千万别计划很快 在火星上建造家园。 
这个历程需要几百乃至上千年,而且耗费将是惊人的。
>77 Food and Health
The food we eat seems to have profound effects on our health. Although
science has made enormous steps in making food more fit to eat, it has, at
the same time, made many foods unfit to eat. Some research has shown that
perhaps eighty percent of all human illnesses are related to diet and forty
percent of  cancer is related  to  the  diet as well, especially cancer of
the  colon. Different  cultures  are  more  prone  to  contract  certain 
illnesses  because  of    the  food  that  is characteristic  in  these
cultures. That food is related  to illness is  not a new discovery. In
1945, government researchers realized  that nitrates and nitrites, 
commonly used to  preserve color in meats, and other food additives, caused
cancer. Yet, these carcinogenic additives remain in our food, and it
becomes more difficult all the time to know which things in the packaging
labels of processed food are helpful or harmful. The additives which we eat
are not all so direct. Farmers often give penicillin to beef and poultry,
and because of this, penicillin has been found in the
milk of treated cows. Sometimes similar drugs  are  administered to 
animals not for medicinal purposes, but for financial reasons. The farmers
are simply trying to fatten the animals in order to obtain a higher price
on the market. Although the Food and Drug Administration (FDA) has tried
repeatedly to control these procedures, the practices continue.
食品与健康我们所吃的食物似乎对我们的健康有深远的影响。  尽管科学上已取得许多 进展,使食物更适合我们食用,但与此同时它也使许多食物不宜食用了。 
一些研究已经表 明,人类大概有  80%的疾病与饮食有关,40%的癌症,特别是结肠癌,也与饮食有关。  不
同的文化会使人们更易患某些疾病,这是由这些文化的人们喜好的食物所致。  食物与疾病 有关并不是新发现。  1945
年,政府部门的科研工作者了解到,被广泛用于肉类以保持肉类 色泽的硝酸盐、亚硝酸盐和其他的添加剂可诱发癌症。  可是这些致癌物质依然存在于我们
的食物之中。  与此同时,要想知道加工食品标签上的哪些成分对健康有利,哪些成分对健 康不利,变得更加困难了。 我们吃到的这些添加物并非都是如此直接的。
农民常给牛和家 禽注射青霉素,因而在受过注射的牛所产牛奶里发现青霉素。  有时让家禽服用这类药物并 非是为了治病,而是为了经济上的缘故。 
农民们只是想使家畜长得更肥壮可以上市场上卖 到好价钱。  虽然食物和药品管理局已一再设法控制这种情况的发生,但是这种行为仍在继 续。
>78 Police and Communities
Few institutions are more important to an urban community than its police,
yet there are few subjects historians know so little about. Most of the
early academic interests developed among political scientists and
sociologists, who usually examined their own contemporary problems with
only a nod toward the past. Even the public seemed concerned only during
crime waves, periods of blatant corruption, or after a particularly grisly
episode. Party regulars and reformers generally viewed the  institution
from a  political perspective; newspapers and magazines - the nineteenth
century's media - emphasized the vivid and spectacular.
Yet urban society has always vested a wide, indeed awesome, responsibility
in its police. Not only were they to maintain order, prevent crime, and
protect life and property, but historically they were also to fight fires, 
suppress vice, assist in health services, supervise elections, direct
traffic, inspect buildings, and locate truants and runaways. In addition,
it was assumed that the police were the special guardians of the citizens' 
liberties and the community's tranquillity. Of course, the performance
never matched expectations. The record contains some success,  but mostly
failure; some effective leadership, but largely official  incompetence and 
betrayal.  The notion of a professional police force in America is a
creation of the twentieth century; not until our own time have cities begun
to take the steps necessary to produce modern departments.
警察与社区对城市社区来说,很少有比它的警察更为重要的机构了,但少有课题像历史 学家们对此了解得那样少。 
早期的学术兴趣是在政治科学家和社会学家中发展起来的,他 们一般只研究他们自己当代的问题而对过去的问题只是偶尔带过。  甚至公众似乎也仅仅在
犯罪浪潮、明目张胆的贪污或特别的恐怖事件发生时才关心。  政党的忠诚支持者和改革家 们通常是从政治的前途来看待警察这个机构;而报纸和杂志-19
世纪的传播媒介-则着重活泼 生动和惊人的事件。可是城市社会总是把广泛得可怕的责任交给警察。他们不仅维持秩序、
防止犯罪、保护生命财产,而且在过去还要救火、镇压罪恶、协助医疗服务、监督选举、指 挥交通、检查建筑物、寻找逃学学生和搜捕逃犯。 
除此以外,警察还被认为是公民自由和
社会稳定的特别保护者。  自然,警察的表现并不尽如人意。  他们的记录中有成功者,但多 数是失败的;有高效率的领导,但多半的人在职务上无能和不讲信用。
 专业警察部队的概 念在美国还是 20 世纪的产物;直到我们这个时代,一些城市才开始采取设立现代化部门的 必要步骤。
>79 Population Growth
The growth of population  during the past few centuries is no proof that
population will continue to grow straight upward toward infinity and doom.
On the contrary, demographic history offers evidence that population growth
has not been at all constant. According to paleoecologist Edward Deevey,
the past million years show three momentous changes. The first, a rapid
increase in population around  one  m illion B.  C., followed  the 
innovations of tool making and  tool using. But when  the  new  power from
the use  of tools has been  exploited, the  rate of world population 
growth fell and became almost stable. The next rapid  jump in population
started perhaps 10,000 years ago,  when mankind began to keep herds,  plow
and  plant  the earth. Once again when initial productivity  gains  had
been absorbed, the rate  of population growth abated. These two episodes
suggest that the third great change, the present rapid growth, which began
in the West between 250 and 350 years ago, may also slow down when, or if,
technology begins to yield  fewer  innovations.  Of  course,  the  current 
knowledge  revolution  may  continue  without foreseeable end. Either way -
contrary to popular belief in constant geometric growth - population can be
expected in the long run to adjust to productivity. And when one takes this
view, population growth is seen to represent economic progress and human
triumph rather than social failure.
人口增长以往几个世纪人口的增长并不能证明人口会无限地直线向上增长直到毁灭的 地步。  相反地,人口统计史料证明人口的增长完全不是稳定的。 
古生态学家爱德华·狄维 认为,在过去 100 万年间出现过 3 次重大的变动。  第一次在公元前 100 万年左右,随着在
工具的制作和使用上的革新而出现人口迅速增长。  但当工具的使用所产生的新动力被充分 利用以后,世界人口增长率下降并且趋于稳定。 
第二次人口剧增大约始于人类开始蓄畜、 垦耕的 10,000 年前。  一旦最初的生产力增长被吸收殆尽,人口的增长再次衰落。  以上两
段说明,若技术革新的成果开始减少,从 250 到 350 年前就在西方开始出现的并且目前还在 继续的人口迅速增长可能也会放慢。 
当然,当前的知识革命也许会持续下去而无法预见其 末来。  无论如何,与那种认为人口以几何级数持续增长的观点相反,从长远的观点来说,
人口可望受到生产力的调节。  接受了这一观点,人口的增长就可以被看成是经济进步和人 类胜利的标志,而不是社会衰败的标志。
>80 Evolution and Wheels
In the past, evolutionary biologists contemplating the absence of wheels in
nature agreed that the explanation was not undesirability: wheels would be
good for animals, just as they are for us. Animals were prevented from
evolving wheels, the biologists reasoned, by the following dilemma: living
cells in an animal's body are connected to the heart by blood vessels, and
to the brain by nerves. Because a rotating joint is essential to a wheel, a
wheel made of living cells would twist
its artery vein and nerve connections at the first revolution, making
living impracticable. However, there is a flaw in the argument that the
evolution of wheeled animals was thwarted
by the insoluble joint problem. The theory fails to explain why animals
have not evolved wheels of  dead  tissue  with  no  need  for  arteries   
and  nerves.  Countless  animals,  including  us,  bear external structures
without blood supply or nerves - for example, our hair and fingernails, or
the scales, claws, and ho rns of other animals. Why have rats not evolved 
bony wheels, similar to roller skates?Paws  might be more useful than
wheels in some situations, but  cats' claws are retractable: why not
retractable wheels?We thus arrive at the serious biological paradox
flippantly termed the RRR dilemma: nature's failure to produce rats with
retractable roller skates.
进化与轮子从前,研究自然界没有轮子的进化论生物学家都同意不能用无此需要来解释 这种现象:轮子对于动物会像对于我们人类一样有好处。 
生物学家们推论,动物没有进化 出轮子是由下述困难所致:动物身上的活细胞通过血管与心脏相连,通过神经与大脑相连。
因为一个旋转的接头对轮子来说是至关重要的,由活的细胞构成的轮子在第一次转动时便会 扭伤其上的动脉和神经的连结,因而不现实。
不过,动物未能进化出轮子是受阻于无法解决接头问题的说法有一个缺陷。  这种理论 无法解释为何动物没有进化出由死组织构成的而无需动脉和神经的轮子。 
包括人在内的无 数动物都有一些没有血液供应和神经的体外构造,例如,我们的头发和指甲,或者鳞片、爪 子和其它一些动物的角。
为什么老鼠没有进化出类似于滑轮溜冰鞋的骨质的轮子呢?在某些 情况下,爪子可能比轮子更有用,但猫的爪子是可以伸缩的:  为什么不能有可以伸缩的轮
子呢?这样,我们便得出了一个被戏称为 RRR 的严肃的生物学悖论:大自然未能产生出有可 伸缩的滑轮溜冰鞋的老鼠。
 
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